The Package from Ternate
One morning in June 1858 a thin package arrived at Down House in Kent, addressed in a hand Charles Darwin recognised. It came from Ternate in the Malay Archipelago, from Alfred Russel Wallace, a self-financing collector from whom, as his biographer Janet Browne puts it, "all he wanted" had been "exotic poultry skins and answers to a few specialised natural history questions." Darwin hoped for details about tropical birds. Instead the package held his own theory: struggle, extinction, divergence, even Malthus and Lyell, set out "so clearly that no one could mistake his meaning."
"I never saw a more striking coincidence," he wrote. "If Wallace had my MS sketch written out in 1842 he could not have made a better short abstract!" He had opened his first notebook on the transmutation of species twenty-one years earlier. He had written a 230-page essay in 1844 and then shelved it, with instructions for his wife to publish it if he died. Now a man on the far side of the world, who asked only that the essay be passed to Charles Lyell, had written the abstract for him.
"For a moment the news hit him like the death of a child," Browne writes. Within twenty-four hours illness struck the house in earnest. His daughter Henrietta was feared to have diphtheria, and the baby went down with scarlet fever. On 28 June the baby, Charles Waring, his tenth child, died.
What Darwin did in those weeks shows both halves of the man. He forwarded the essay the day it came and refused to rush out a statement of his own. He also confessed to "trumpery feelings," and let his two most powerful friends arrange matters in a way that, in Browne's phrase, "trembled on the edge of audacious skulduggery." The paper that resulted carried his name first. Seventeen months later came On the Origin of Species.
Darwin is one of the lives in
The Anatomy of Greatness, and an odd one. He commanded no armies and founded no company. He was a rich doctor's son whom everyone took for an idle sporting man, and he turned one five-year voyage into a lifetime's private research programme. He sat on a dangerous theory for twenty years while he armoured it with facts and friends, and when he was forestalled he let those friends secure his priority and fight his battles while he stayed at home, ill, in Kent. His method is a study in patience, accumulation and the management of risk. His record also shows what that method cost the people around him.
A Note on the Record
This playbook draws on Janet Browne's standard two-volume biography, Charles Darwin: Voyaging (1995) and Charles Darwin: The Power of Place (2002), and on Darwin's own Autobiography, written in 1876 with additions in 1881 "for his children" and, in his son Francis's words, "without any thought that they would ever be published."
The Autobiography needs care. The printed version is abridged, and Francis did not mark the cuts. The long section on religious belief was removed altogether; Browne confirms that "the whole section was diplomatically omitted from the first printing," partly at Emma Darwin's request, so it is quoted here only through her. Browne also warns that the memoir is selective: Darwin passes over his income and his charity and paints himself as rising "from a good-hearted numbskull" to "an unlikely prince." Where the Autobiography and the letters tell different stories, both are given.
By the Numbers
The Darwin Ledger
73Years lived (1809–1882)
22Years from his first species notebook (1837) to the Origin (1859)
8Years spent monographing barnacles
10Children with his cousin Emma Wedgwood
~14,000Letters written or received that still survive
1,250Copies in the Origin's first printing
2795 to 2490His backgammon tally against Emma
An Idle Sporting Man
Darwin grew up at The Mount in Shrewsbury, son of a prosperous doctor who did not think much of his prospects. "You care for nothing but shooting, dogs, and rat-catching," Dr. Darwin told him, "and you will be a disgrace to yourself and all your family." The boy was a counter from the start. He recorded every bird he shot "by making a knot in a piece of string tied to a button-hole."
He was sent to Edinburgh to study medicine and gave it up. Two people from those years mattered later. One was Robert Grant, his early mentor, who would go on to preach transmutation to students in London. The other was John Edmonstone, the freed slave who taught him to stuff birds. Browne calls slavery "the one social issue guaranteed to upset and annoy him throughout his long life," a hatred rooted in the abolitionism of both his grandfathers and in his memory of Edmonstone.
At Cambridge, where he went to prepare for life as a country clergyman, he took no honours. He attended Henslow's lectures but "did not study botany," and skipped Sedgwick's geology lectures altogether. "But no pursuit at Cambridge was followed with nearly so much eagerness or gave me so much pleasure as collecting beetles." It was, he admitted, "the mere passion for collecting." He gave one example of his zeal: "one day, on tearing off some old bark, I saw two rare beetles, and seized one in each hand; then I saw a third and new kind, which I could not bear to lose, so that I popped the one which I held in my right hand into my mouth. Alas! it ejected some intensely acrid fluid, which burnt my tongue so that I was forced to spit the beetle out, which was lost, as was the third one."
The greed came with method. He "invented two new methods," paying a labourer to scrape moss off old trees through the winter and to collect "the rubbish at the bottom of the barges in which reeds are brought from the fens." When his name appeared in Stephens' Illustrations of British Insects, the pleasure was enormous: "No poet ever felt more delighted at seeing his first poem published than I did at seeing... the magic words, 'captured by C. Darwin, Esq.'" Acquisitiveness, system and a hunger for the recognition of experts were all there before the voyage.
So was his gift for attaching himself to the right older man. He went to Henslow's open evenings, walked with him "on most days," and became known as "the man who walks with Henslow." Henslow arranged a geological tour with Sedgwick, and Sedgwick taught him the lesson he would build a life on. Darwin told him of a worn tropical shell a labourer had found in an old gravel-pit near Shrewsbury. Sedgwick said at once that someone must have thrown it there, and added that if it were really embedded in the gravel it would be the greatest misfortune to geology, because it would overthrow all that was known of the superficial deposits of the Midland Counties. "Nothing before had ever made me thoroughly realise, though I had read various scientific books, that science consists in grouping facts so that general laws or conclusions may be drawn from them."
Eight Objections and a Man of Common Sense
In late August 1831 a letter from Henslow offered the twenty-two-year-old an unpaid place as gentleman-companion to Captain Robert FitzRoy on a surveying voyage. "I suppose there never was a finer chance for a man of zeal & spirit," Henslow wrote.
Dr. Darwin was "nearly despairing of his idle son's ever settling down to a career," and had £200 of his son's Cambridge debts to pay off that summer. He objected strongly. His son, Browne notes, "showed unexpected docility," and wrote to Henslow declining: "if it had not been for my Father, I would have taken all risks."
But his father had left one door open. "If you can find any man of common sense who advises you to go I will give my consent." They both knew whom he meant: Josiah Wedgwood, Darwin's uncle, at Maer. At Maer the household spent the day urging him to reopen the case, and Uncle Jos told him to write down his father's objections. Darwin produced a list "straight from his father's mouth," eight items, running from "Disreputable to my character as a Clergyman hereafter" and "A wild scheme" to "That it would be a useless undertaking." Wedgwood answered each in turn, in Browne's image, "like a ledger-clerk in the company offices." The voyage would not disgrace a future clergyman. The Admiralty would not send a bad ship. And "looking upon him as a man of enlarged curiosity, it affords him such an opportunity of seeing men and things as happens to few."
Then Wedgwood drove his nephew the thirty miles to Shrewsbury. The two accounts of what happened next differ. In the Autobiography, his father "at once consented" when they arrived. In Browne's account, built from the letters, "Dr. Darwin had changed his mind" already. Either way, from the first letter to the father's consent took "only seven days."
There was still FitzRoy, a believer in Lavater's physiognomy, who "doubted whether any one with my nose could possess sufficient energy and determination for the voyage." And there was Darwin's own body. Before sailing, palpitations convinced him he had heart disease. He deliberately saw no doctor: "I fully expected to hear the verdict that I was not fit for the voyage, and I was resolved to go at all hazards."
Browne is unsentimental about why he was chosen: "because he was an amiable young man of good social standing who looked as if he would be easy to live with." She notes "elements too of ingratiation" in the young man FitzRoy took, "a willingness to be servile." Darwin saw the voyage as the hinge of his life. It "has been by far the most important event in my life, and has determined my whole career; yet it depended on so small a circumstance as my uncle offering to drive me thirty miles."
The Voyage
The Beagle was away for five years. Deference to FitzRoy had its limits. At Bahia the captain "defended and praised slavery, which I abominated." Of men "so blindly & obstinately prejudiced" on the subject, Darwin wrote that "I shall never again scruple utterly to disbelieve" them.
The voyage made him a geologist first. Having studied a South American coast that was rising, he imagined coral reefs before he had seen one, by turning the process upside down: "it was easy to replace in imagination the continued deposition of sediment by the upward growth of corals." His letters home made him a name before he returned. Henslow read them to the Cambridge Philosophical Society, and on Ascension Darwin heard that Sedgwick predicted he would "take a place among the leading scientific men." He "clambered over the mountains of Ascension with a bounding step, and made the volcanic rocks resound under my geological hammer. All this shows how ambitious I was."
Doubt began on the way home. Writing up his notes on the birds of the Galápagos, "slightly differing in structure & filling the same place in Nature," he wrote that "such facts would undermine the stability of Species." He landed in England on 2 October 1836.
A Theory by Which to Work
To say what he suspected in public was dangerous. Transmutation was associated with Lamarck, with materialism and with "the lurking threat of political activism," and Grant was preaching it in London. So Darwin made his doubt private. In July 1837 he opened his first notebook "for facts in relation to the Origin of Species." He filled a series of them, sketched a branching tree of life, and wrote beside it: "Heaven knows whether this agrees with Nature— Cuidado." His notebooks went further than any book he would publish. "Man from monkeys?" he asked himself, and after writing that thought was a secretion of the brain he ended with "Oh you materialist!" Browne calls the notebooks "a record of secret mental endeavour on the heroic scale."
His approach was to collect first. He "worked on true Baconian principles, and without any theory collected facts on a wholesale scale, more especially with respect to domesticated productions, by printed enquiries, by conversation with skilful breeders and gardeners, and by extensive reading." The breeders gave him his first key: "selection was the keystone of man's success in making useful races of animals and plants." The second came in October 1838, when he read Malthus "for amusement" and saw the same force at work in the wild: "favourable variations would tend to be preserved, and unfavourable ones to be destroyed." "Here then I had at last got a theory by which to work." Then he held it back. "I was so anxious to avoid prejudice, that I determined not for some time to write even the briefest sketch of it."
The same year he talked frankly with his father about religion and money. Dr. Darwin advised him to "conceal carefully" his doubts from any future wife. Darwin then took a sheet of paper and divided it into a balance sheet: "Marry" or "Not Marry"? With "no real candidate in mind," Browne writes, he inspected the idea "as dispassionately as if he had a beetle before him." The disadvantages spilled out: "Fatness & idleness–anxiety & responsibility–less money for books &c."; above all a "terrible loss of time." Then came the picture that tipped it: "Only picture to yourself a nice soft wife on a sofa with good fire, & books & music perhaps–Compare this vision with the dingy reality of Grt. Marlbro' St." The sheet ended: "Marry–Marry—Marry. Q.E.D."
He married his cousin Emma Wedgwood in January 1839, and against his father's advice he told her of his doubts. She wrote back that "honest & conscientious doubts cannot be a sin, but I feel it would be a painful void between us." That gap shaped every decision he made about publishing.
Like Confessing a Murder
In 1842 Darwin bought a former vicarage and eighteen acres near the village of Downe in Kent, chosen for "the extreme quietness and rusticity of the place." That June he "first allowed myself the satisfaction of writing a very brief abstract of my theory in pencil in 35 pages." In 1844 he enlarged it to 230.
Then, instead of publishing, he wrote what Browne calls "the strangest letter of his life," to Emma. "In case of my sudden death," she was to "devote £400 to its publication," find an editor, with Lyell first on the list, and raise the sum to £500 if another hundred would buy a better one. The essay went into a brown portfolio "on a shelf by his chair." Browne reads the letter plainly: "He would prefer to be dead rather than suffer the controversy which he knew would break over his head... rather than deliberately hurt Emma's feelings, or, even worse, be the cause of her social ostracism."
That same year he made his first confidence. In January 1844 he wrote to the young botanist Joseph Hooker, framing it, in Browne's words, "as the unwilling confession of a guilty man." Species "are not (it is like confessing a murder) immutable." Hooker answered calmly, and Darwin made him an intimate. Later he let Hooker read the 1844 essay, and it came back with Hooker's pencil marks on it. Those marks would matter fourteen years later.
That autumn the anonymous Vestiges appeared, with a general thesis "exactly the same" as his. Sedgwick savaged it in 1845. Darwin was "shocked... by the ugly passion" of the review, but he also read it "with fear & trembling" for another reason, and was relieved to find "that I had not overlooked any of the arguments." The review showed him what awaited a transmutationist who published without armour. Browne links his first breakdowns of health to "the secret notes, his shocked recognition of the full impact of what he was proposing."
Two Huge Volumes on Limpets
Darwin had a theory but not the standing of a working specialist. Hooker, writing about a careless French author, said no one should be trusted on species "who does not know what it is to be a specific naturalist." Darwin took it personally: "How painfully (to me) true is your remark that no one has hardly a right to examine the question of species who has not minutely examined many."
In October 1846 he took a strange burrowing barnacle from his last Beagle bottle and ended by monographing the whole group. "I worked steadily on this subject for the next eight years," publishing "two thick volumes" on living species and two on fossils. A novelist mocked the type, a professor with "two huge volumes on limpets," and Darwin himself doubted "whether the work was worth the consumption of so much time." It was. The barnacles showed him that variation "was a natural consequence of reproduction. It happened all the time." And they gave him credentials no critic could dismiss.
Dying by Inches
From the late 1830s Darwin was regularly ill. After his father's death in November 1848 he developed "a welter of distressing symptoms": "giddiness, nausea, retching, vomiting, boils, wakeful nights, headaches." Browne thinks a single diagnosis is impossible. She suggests "some digestive malfunction," judges Chagas' disease "unlikely," and allows for a psychological element: "Grief and guilt surely played their part... Fear, too." His body often failed just before public appearances, "suggesting some deep-seated dread of exposure."
He treated the illness as a project. He began a health diary in January 1849, counting the dashes at the end of each month "to see how his weeks had been." He costed the water cure from Dr. Gully's price lists and took the whole household to Malvern for over three months. Back at Down he built a shower house, with his butler Parslow as bathman, ate Gully's bland diet, and accepted "Dr. Gully's recommended limit of no more than two hours of intense mental activity per day." He gave up dinner parties, because society brought on "violent shivering and vomiting attacks."
The illness also gave him a way out of things he dreaded. He did not get to his father's funeral. In the Autobiography he was too unwell to attend; Browne finds that he set out but "arrived in Shrewsbury after the cortège had left."
In March 1851 he took his ten-year-old daughter Anne, "the apple of her proud father's eye," to Gully at Malvern, hoping the cure would help her. In April she developed a fever, and he hurried back to sit by her bed, sending Emma, who was pregnant at Down, daily bulletins. "Your note made me cry much–but I must not give way & can avoid doing so by not thinking about her. It is now from hour to hour a struggle between life & death." For a moment she seemed to rally: "An hour ago I was foolish with delight... & pictured her to myself making custards." Two days later: "She went to her final sleep most tranquilly, most sweetly at 12 oclock today... We must be more & more to each other my dear wife."
He left Malvern before the funeral. At Down he wrote a private memorial: "She was my favourite... Her cordiality, openness, buoyant joyousness & strong affection made her most loveable." He called her conduct in her last illness "in simple truth angelic," and Browne adds: "There lay the real pain. Darwin did not believe in angels." He feared he had killed her. "My bug-bear is hereditary weakness," he wrote, and the worry that marrying a first cousin had passed his "wretched constitution" to his children "troubled him for years afterwards." Afterwards, "the two barely spoke of Anne again... The silence was deafening."
Recruiting the Jury
By the mid-1850s he chose his first readers one at a time, each for competence and for trust. In April 1856 he explained the whole theory to Lyell at Down, "not mincing his words about apes and orangs." Lyell, appalled and impressed, told him to publish at least a fragment: "Out with the theory & let it take date—& be cited—& understood." Darwin began the big book, Natural Selection, "by Lyell's advice," but answered, "I rather hate the idea of writing for priority." In September 1857 he sent Asa Gray at Harvard a detailed statement of natural selection, with the line "I know that this will make you despise me." With Wallace, Browne notes, "any comparable thoughts of describing the theory... never crossed Darwin's mind." Caution had turned into habit: by 1856, Browne writes, it was "far easier to carry on collecting facts, to keep busy, to say the work was unfinished, than it was to stop."
Forestalled
Then came the package from Ternate. Darwin forwarded Wallace's essay to Lyell the same day: "So all my originality, whatever it may amount to, will be smashed." He had believed he was above such feelings and found that he was not.
I always thought it very possible that I might be forestalled, but I fancied that I had grand enough soul not to care... But I found myself mistaken & punished.
— Charles Darwin, letter of June 1858
Lyell urged him to publish a statement of his own. "I cannot persuade myself that I can do so honourably," Darwin replied. "I would far rather burn my whole book than that he or any man shd think that I had behaved in a paltry spirit." Then he asked Lyell to consult Hooker, his "two best & kindest friends," and left the decision to them.
They proposed a double presentation at the Linnean Society. Sitting up with a dying child, Darwin sent Hooker the 1844 sketch, "solely that you may see by your own handwriting that you did read it," with the copy of his 1857 letter to Gray. "I daresay all is too late. I hardly care about it... It is miserable in me to care at all about priority."
On 1 July 1858 the papers were read to about thirty fellows, Darwin's first and Wallace's last, with neither author present and Wallace unaware. Hooker and Lyell picked the Linnean "for entirely opportunistic reasons." Their introduction praised Wallace "and then delicately moved aside," and "Darwin's priority reverberated from every page." Even Darwin "winced" at the layout. Wallace, told months later, thanked Hooker for a course "so favourable to myself," and "never afterwards displayed the smallest flicker of resentment." In the Autobiography Darwin "cared very little whether men attributed most originality to me or Wallace." The letters Browne quotes show "mortification, possessiveness, irritation, and rancour."
One Long Argument
The joint paper "excited very little attention." The only published notice Darwin remembered judged "that all that was new in them was false, and what was true was old." He drew the lesson that "any new view should be explained at considerable length in order to arouse public attention."
He wrote the Origin in "thirteen months and ten days' hard labour," cutting his big manuscript down to an "abstract." On the most explosive subject he held back. Convinced that "man must come under the same law," he wrote only that "light would be thrown on the origin of man and his history," because parading his conviction "without giving any evidence" would have been "useless and injurious to the success of the book."
He knew who would judge it: the leading naturalists of Britain and abroad, many of them hostile, from Richard Owen to Sedgwick. So from a water-cure at Ilkley he ran what Browne calls "a systematic publicity operation." He bought some eighty extra copies for presentation and wrote "letter after letter, each one delicately tailored to its recipient and aiming to defuse the worst of the anticipated criticisms." The letters disarmed in advance: "My book will horrify & disgust you"; "Lord how savage you will be... how you will long to crucify me alive!" Everyone on the list "was someone of influence or a close personal friend." He left out Robert Grant, who had first introduced him to evolution.
The first printing of 1,250 copies was taken up at Murray's trade sale in November 1859. Darwin remembered it as "sold on the day of publication"; Browne notes the orders came to 1,500, which gave rise to the claim that the book "sold out."
The Live Bishop
After publication, Darwin left the fighting to others. Huxley reviewed the book anonymously in The Times. And on Saturday 30 June 1860, at the British Association meeting in Oxford, a crowd of somewhere between four hundred and nearly a thousand packed the university Museum to watch the fight.
Bishop Samuel Wilberforce spoke for half an hour, "powerful, argumentative, amusing." He asked, "Is it credible that a turnip strives to become a man?" and then turned to Huxley to ask whether he was related to an ape on his grandfather's or his grandmother's side. "The Lord hath delivered him into mine hands," Huxley whispered to his neighbour. He replied that he would rather have "a miserable ape for a grandfather" than a man of great gifts and influence "who employs those faculties for the mere purpose of introducing ridicule into a grave scientific discussion." FitzRoy, Darwin's old captain, waved a Bible and "regretted the publication of Mr. Darwin's book." Each side went away convinced it had won.
Darwin was not there. "His stomach saved him," Browne writes. Two days before the meeting "his health broke down completely," and he "rushed to the safety of the water-cure," where "whatever might happen would happen without him." When the reports reached him, he wrote to Huxley.
How durst you attack a live Bishop in that fashion? I am quite ashamed of you! Have you no reverence for fine lawn sleeves? By Jove you seem to have done it well...
— Charles Darwin to Thomas Huxley, 1860
"I would as soon have died as tried to answer the Bishop in such an assembly," he added. He knew whom he owed: "I see daily more & more plainly that my unaided book would have done absolutely nothing... I shd have been utterly smashed had it not been for you & three others."
The four were Lyell, Hooker, Huxley and Gray, and they "divided up the intellectual world between them." Around them a wider circle "established supper clubs," "exerted patronage, read proofs," and from 1864 met as Huxley's X Club, a pressure group "promoting the liberal naturalism associated with Darwin's theory." Within a year of publication, Browne writes, it was "nearly impossible to break into Darwin's tightly integrated group without some expressed homage to evolution."
The pattern held when the Royal Society gave him the Copley Medal, the honour
Benjamin Franklin had won for his electrical work a century before. "Saying he was too ill to go," Darwin sent a friend to accept it, and Huxley demanded to know why the citation had left out the
Origin. Browne calls it "another of those key occasions on which his friends fought for him in his absence."
There was a harder edge to this. When Henslow, the man who had made his career, lay dying in 1861, Darwin declined to come, pleading that "my retching is apt to be extremely loud." Browne writes that "he had never before used illness in such an obvious way to avoid personal obligations," and that Hooker knew he had recently been well enough for a dinner in London and a speech at the Linnean.
An Intellectual Factory
Barred by illness from fieldwork, Darwin brought the field to Down. When the lane outside felt too close he had it moved and lowered, "a job involving the removal of two feet of earth over a distance of 170 yards": "The publicity of the place is at present intolerable." His study had a mirror by the window, angled "so that he could catch the first glimpse of the postman," and "One curtained corner hid a lavatory enclosure where he could retch in private." His days ran to a timetable of work, post and turns round the sandwalk, "knocking a pebble off a pile" at each circuit, and the older children "used to claim they could set the hall clock by the creak of his study door opening."
Inside that routine he experimented on everything. He salted seeds to see whether they could float to islands, bred pigeons, and crouched "in the flowerbeds transferring pollen grains with a fine paintbrush from primrose to primrose." He suspected the two forms of primrose were "on the high road to become dioecious," crossed them, and threw out his own idea when the results came in: "the abortion-theory was knocked on the head." With the insect-eating sundews he devised what he called "a crucial test," soaking leaves "in various nitrogenous and non-nitrogenous fluids of equal density." When only the first set the tentacles moving, "it was obvious that here was a fine new field for investigation."
He drew in his family as staff. Three Wedgwood nieces collected and sorted 256 specimens of Lythrum "as instructed" ("My dear angels!... I never dreamed of your taking so much trouble"), and Francis became "a second pair of hands and eyes." And he recruited the world by post. Browne calls the study "an intellectual factory." Darwin "wrote or received some fourteen thousand letters that are still in existence," to "civil servants, army officers, diplomats, fur-trappers, horse-breeders, society ladies, Welsh hill-farmers, zookeepers, pigeon-fanciers, gardeners, asylum owners, and kennel hands." He knew what he was doing: "If any man wants to gain a good opinion of his fellow men, he ought to do what I am doing, pester them with letters." Browne also notes what it was for: "a supply system, designed to answer his own wants," with "the flow of information... almost always one-way" except among his closest friends.
Butler and the Pension
The proxy method showed its worst side near the end. In 1879 Samuel Butler accused him of passing off a revised preface as if it predated Butler's own book. Darwin had in fact deleted the remarks that would have made the change clear. On his family's advice he stayed silent in public, secretly arranged a reply in Nature, and let Huxley and Romanes attack Butler. Browne's verdict is flat: "Darwin was in the wrong and should have apologised."
The same network served a generous end two years later. In 1880 and 1881 Darwin worked harder for a pension for the impoverished Wallace than for "many of his natural history researches." Lubbock, Huxley and the Duke of Argyll "all thought the request would have more power if made by Darwin alone," and his memorial to Gladstone won Wallace £200 a year. "I hardly ever wished so much for anything in my life as for its success." It fits a quieter pattern. He gave Anne's nurse Brodie "an annual pension for the rest of her life" and Parslow £50 a year on retirement. Charity of this kind is exactly what the Autobiography passes over.
Home Is the Sailor
In the section of his memoir that his family cut, Darwin set down where his long doubt had ended. He found the doctrine of damnation cruel: "the men who do not believe, and this would include my father, brother and almost all my best friends, will be everlastingly punished. And this is a damnable doctrine." He settled in "honest ignorance": "I for one must be content to remain an Agnostic."
The marriage held across that gap. He kept the backgammon score against Emma for years: she had won "only 2490 games, whilst I have won, hurrah hurrah 2795 games!" Near the end he told her, "It is almost worth while to be sick to be nursed by you." His reported last words to her, in 1882, were "I am not the least afraid to die... Remember what a good wife you have been."
Against blunders and contempt, he said, he had one comfort, repeated "hundreds of times."
I have worked as hard and as well as I could, and no man can do more than this.
— Charles Darwin, Autobiography