What Causes Lightning
Do you know what causes lightning?
He asked it of a visitor in Redmond, Washington, in the last week of 1993, and he expected an answer. Not the dictionary answer, the one about a discharge of atmospheric electricity, which describes what happens without explaining why it happens. Leonard Bosack wanted the mechanism. Well, do you? The reporter from the Seattle Times who recorded the exchange described a man of forty-one with "a habit of asking point-blank questions when he is talking and staring intently out the window when he is not." His wife, Sandra Lerner, thirty-eight, sat nearby and peppered her own brisk speech with phrases like "Well, duh!" The two of them had, as Lerner put it to the same reporter, "an unreasonable amount of money." They were giving most of it away.
Three years and four months earlier, Bosack had walked out of the company he and Lerner had founded in their living room. He walked out the day they fired her. On that day, August 28, 1990, Cisco Systems had been public for just over six months and had come to market at a valuation of $224 million. Not quite ten years later, in late March 2000, it would be the most valuable company on earth, worth more than $500 billion, briefly larger than Microsoft. The founders were not there for any of it. They had sold their stock for roughly $170 million and moved to the Pacific Northwest, where Bosack was building, in a new company called XKL Systems, a device to speed up the rate at which a computer could move data in and out of itself. A plumbing problem. He has spent his entire working life on plumbing problems.
That is one version of the story, and it is the one most often told: brilliant engineer, outmaneuvered by venture capital, leaves a fortune on the table out of loyalty to his wife. It has the shape of a parable. Like most parables about Cisco, it is true in its outline and misleading in its emphasis, and the man at the center of it, who has given remarkably few interviews over four decades, seems to prefer it that way. Or seems not to care. With Bosack it is often hard to tell the difference.
The question about lightning is a better entry point than the firing. It shows a mind that distrusts the summary and wants the physics, a mind for which the explanation everybody repeats is precisely the explanation most worth interrogating. It is also, as it happens, the right question to bring to the founding of Cisco itself, an event about which almost everyone knows the dictionary definition and almost no one knows the mechanism.
By the Numbers
The Bosack Ledger
12/10/1984Date cisco Systems was incorporated in Menlo Park
$109KTotal sales in the roughly eight months to July 31, 1985
$2.5MSequoia Capital's 1987 investment, led by Don Valentine
$224MCisco's market capitalization at its February 16, 1990 IPO
$170MWhat Bosack and Lerner sold their Cisco stock for after leaving
~70%Share of their Cisco wealth the couple said they had given away by 1993
6.071 msXKL's fiber-plus-equipment latency over 1,231 km, against a physical floor of 4.106 ms
The Hobbit Under the Quad
Begin with a gift. Around 1980 and 1981, the Xerox Palo Alto Research Center gave Stanford University a number of its Alto workstations along with the Ethernet boards that let them talk to one another. The Alto was years ahead of anything else on a desk, and its graphical interface is the part of its legacy that ended up in museums. But at Stanford the thing that caught was the cable. Ethernet suggested that the university's scattered machines, which belonged to different departments, ran different operating systems, and spoke different protocols, might be made to behave as a single system.
The work happened underground, more or less. One veteran of the effort described the warren of offices beneath Margaret Jacks Hall and the Stanford Quad as "straight out of the Hobbit." Staff members and graduate students there began linking the computer systems of Stanford's schools and departments, informally and then less informally. The campus covered sixteen square miles. It held something like 5,000 computers grouped by building, which is to say grouped into islands: the computer science department ran one set of protocols, the Graduate School of Business another, the medical school yet another. Each island worked. None of them could reliably reach the others.
By June 1980 a research engineer at the medical school named William Yeager had built a working router. Yeager is the first of several people in this story whose names the legend omits. He wrote the software on a PDP-11; the circuitry came from a Stanford graduate student named Andy Bechtolsheim. The resulting device, which came to be called the Blue Box, could forward traffic among the campus's incompatible systems, and its architecture scaled well, a property that would turn out to matter enormously. Yeager's design, one later assessment concluded, "became a key to Cisco's early success." Yeager himself would later say that he had asked permission to sell the Blue Box commercially and been refused.
Bosack arrived in this world in 1979 as a graduate student in computer science and stayed on as staff. By the early 1980s he was running the computer science department's machines, and in one telling the department's Director of Computer Facilities. He was, in the IEEE's later phrasing, a support engineer on a 1981 project to connect all of Stanford's mainframes, minicomputers, LISP machines, and Altos. His specific contribution was to the router that allowed the network under his management, in computer science, to exchange data with the network at the business school. In Bosack's own recollection, the first router he worked on spoke PUP, the Xerox protocol native to the Altos, and among the early headaches were broadcast storms: floods of traffic in which machines shouting to every other machine on a network drowned the network itself.
Yeager's router did not, at first, connect to the Ethernet backbone that had become central to what Stanford was calling the Stanford University Network. In 1982, by one detailed history's account, Bosack, Lerner, and other engineers went ahead without authorization. They built an interface between Yeager's router and the Ethernet, and then they physically pulled the coaxial cable needed to string the campus together. Yeager joined them. So did others. It was a skunk works in the plain sense: unfunded, unsanctioned, and successful.
The founders' later account of this period, given on camera in the 1990s, has the flavor of guerrilla warfare remembered fondly. "It was do-it-yourself networking," one of them said. "If you wanted it, you had better do it yourself because no one else was going to do it for you. You couldn't buy it. We basically pulled wire through manholes. We pulled wire through sewer pipe." They had no money and "certainly didn't have any official sanction." The kicker came with a shrug you can hear in the transcript: the university was allowed not to like it, "but they did get a network out of it."
Bosack has described the arc more drily. They built bridges first, then crude routers, then better routers, and the routers solved for Stanford "the same sort of problem that it solved ten years earlier for ARPA": how to use a computer anywhere you wanted. This lineage matters. Bosack had worked on the PDP-10, a popular compute server on the ARPANET, during his years at Digital Equipment Corporation, and he would become a contributor to that emerging Defense Department network from Stanford. To him the campus project was not a new idea. It was an old idea, internetworking, applied at a scale and with a heterogeneity the original designers had not faced. The novelty was in the translation.
One can't define who did what, because it was pretty much of a cooperative effort. People tried to improve certain things so they worked better, and in this way they propagated.
— Nick Veizades, Stanford staff member who worked on the router, to the San Jose Mercury News, 2001
Veizades's description is the most accurate account anyone has given of how the multiprotocol router came to exist, and it is a description of a network. Improvements propagated from person to person the way packets propagate from node to node, each one altered slightly in transit. Nobody owned the route. That fact, which seemed incidental in the Hobbit hole beneath the Quad, would become the central legal, moral, and commercial problem of Bosack's life.
A Man Who Knew How to Use Silverware
Leonard X. Bosack was born in Pennsylvania in 1952, on September 27 according to one registry, into a Polish Catholic family. The X was not his to begin with; it belonged to his father, also Leonard X. Bosack, whose full name would later sit on the letterhead of a charitable foundation. He graduated from La Salle College High School in 1969 and from the University of Pennsylvania in 1973. Records disagree on whether the degree came from the engineering school or from Wharton, and the disagreement is a small, telling one, since nothing about the man suggests a business school. He wanted to be a mathematician. He went into computers, he has said, because that was where the jobs were.
The jobs were good ones. He held technical roles at AT&T's Bell Laboratories and at Digital Equipment Corporation, where he worked as a hardware engineer on the PDP-10, the time-sharing machine that served as a workhorse of the early ARPANET. The PDP-10 is a recurring presence in Bosack's life, the way a first language remains in an accent. A copy of the 2001 newspaper investigation into Cisco's origins survives, of all places, on a website devoted to PDP-10 documentation.
Then Stanford, in 1979, and networking, which became his consuming interest. In Redmond in 1993 his gaze still went to the window and his questions came out point-blank. In a documentary interview from the 1990s he offered a theory of work that sounds like a joke until you realize he means every word.
Sincerity begins at a little over 100 hours a week. You can probably get to 110 on a sustained basis, but it's hard. You have to get down to eating once a day and showering every other day, things of that sort, to really get your life organized to work 110 hours a week.
— Leonard Bosack, documentary interview, 1990s
Sandra Lerner came from the other end of California and from a more complicated childhood. Her parents divorced when she was four, and she was raised between two aunts. One lived in Beverly Hills. The other ran a cattle ranch at Clipper Gap in the California Sierras, and it was there, at nine, that Lerner bought her first steer. She sold it at a profit two years later and used the money to buy two more. By the time she entered college she owned a registered herd of thirty head, and the herd paid her tuition. She finished a political science degree at California State University, Chico, in two years, in 1975. At Claremont, where she went for graduate work in econometrics, she wandered into the school's young computer lab, kept coming back, and was eventually made its manager. "People left you alone because they thought you were weird," she said later, "and nobody knew anything about what you were doing." Stanford, which in her telling was "dying to get graduate students" who could rescue faculty members baffled by computers, took her into its statistics and computer science program. She finished a master's in 1981 and became director of computer facilities at the Graduate School of Business.
So: a rancher's ward who financed her own education one steer at a time, and a Polish Catholic mathematician from Pennsylvania who found the world's operating systems more interesting than its markets. Each was a person who had wandered into a computer room and stayed because no one else understood what was happening there. One account has them meeting while sharing time on Stanford's minicomputers; another describes Bosack, at the time, as fitting "the description of a 'computer nerd.'" They married in 1980.
Asked on camera years later what had drawn her to him, Lerner gave an answer she prefaced as so bizarre "you'll just have to assume that it's true." Bosack's mother, she said, had done a miraculous job: "Lenny actually knew how to bathe and eat with silverware." She was, she said, "absolutely enchanted." She had not thought "a more perfect man could exist."
This is funny, and it is meant to be. It is also an exact portrait of the marriage's division of labor, delivered in comic form. She noticed the man's manners because in the world they both inhabited manners were rare; he had them because someone else had installed them. The pattern held. Lerner would become the one who dealt with the world outside the machine room. When Cisco had departments, she ran every one of them except engineering.
Did You Feed the Cat?
The legend goes like this. Two young Stanford employees, in love, worked in separate buildings a few hundred yards apart (the distance is given as 500 yards in one account, 500 meters in another, which tells you something about how carefully the details have been handled). Their departments' networks could not talk to each other, so they could not exchange email. Bosack built a box to connect the two networks so that he and his wife could send each other notes. The box became the router; the router became Cisco; Cisco became the internet.
Variations multiply. In one documentary the narrator explains that the couple were "unable to send e-mail messages like, did you feed the cat?" A technology blog, decades later, reduced it further: "They weren't trying to build the internet. They were trying to send love notes."
It is a wonderful story. It is also, according to every careful account, untrue. Cisco's own institutional memory came to concede as much. In 2001, after a San Jose Mercury News reporter named Pete Carey spent months reconstructing the history, a Cisco spokeswoman named Jeanette Gibson told him: "Obviously it was a team of people." Carey's piece began with the observation that "founding legends are a specialty of Silicon Valley, and none is more appealing than that of Cisco Systems," and then took the legend apart. It omitted Yeager. It omitted Bechtolsheim, Veizades, Kirk Lougheed, and the many staff members who touched the router. It omitted a fight with Stanford that nearly killed the company at birth. And it obscured, Carey wrote, "the true collective nature of the innovation that built Silicon Valley long before the hype and froth of the Internet bubble."
The unraveling had begun in 1998, when a PBS documentary called Nerds 2.0.1 credited Bosack and Lerner alone and provoked a long exchange of web postings from people who had been in the Hobbit hole and remembered it differently. Several books followed. Yet the legend held. Even Stanford's own website, in a description of a professorship that Cisco had endowed, continued to credit Bosack and Lerner with developing the device "that allowed computer networks to talk intelligently to one another." The university that had once threatened to prosecute the founders for taking its technology was now, in the copy beneath a named chair, giving them credit for inventing it.
Lerner, asked about all this by email, gave the best single sentence anyone has produced on the subject. "The only person I'm certain had nothing to do with it," she wrote, "is Al Gore."
It is a line that does three things at once. It acknowledges the crowd. It mocks the entire genre of retroactive credit-claiming. And it declines, with perfect deniability, to concede any specific person's share. That last move is worth dwelling on, because Bosack himself has rarely engaged the question at all. In the interviews he has given, he talks about protocols, about broadcast storms, about link-state versus distance-vector routing algorithms, about heat dissipation. He does not litigate his place in history. One reading is modesty. Another is that he has never found the question interesting, the way he did not find the dictionary definition of lightning interesting. The mechanism was collective, and he knew it; the legend was individual, and he let it stand.
The love-note story persists, one suspects, because it solves a narrative problem. A router is an abstraction. Nobody falls in love with an abstraction. Give it a couple separated by a lawn, and suddenly infrastructure has a heart. The irony is that the true story is more romantic, not less: two people, married, both running computer facilities, both pulling cable through sewer pipe without permission, both mortgaging everything they owned. You do not need the love notes. The love is in the mortgage.
The Living Room on Oak Grove Avenue
Word of the routers spread the way the routers themselves spread information: over the network. The crude email of the early 1980s carried news of the Stanford boxes to other universities and research centers, and requests started coming in. Bosack and Lerner converted their living room into an assembly room, building routers and testing them on the campus network and on the Interface Message Processors that connected Stanford to the ARPANET. Then they did the institutionally correct thing. They went to Stanford's Office of Technology Licensing and asked for a way to keep supplying the demand.
The office could not offer anything that would take less than years. Bosack and Lerner had, by the account of one networking historian, "little calling to become entrepreneurs." They were "happy academics willing to give what they had or knew away, resistant to even marking-up their production costs to make a profit." Stanford said they could not build product on university property and sell it to commercial customers. So, with what that historian calls little choice, they did it somewhere else.
On December 10, 1984, they incorporated cisco Systems, lowercase c. The name was taken from San Francisco, the city to the north, which one chronicler describes as the gateway to the Pacific Rim; the logo became a stylized pair of towers from the Golden Gate Bridge. The company's engineers would insist on the lowercase spelling for years, a typographical refusal to capitalize that tells you who those engineers thought they were. Not executives. Not a brand. Just a box that sat between other boxes.
The house, by one account, stood at 199 Oak Grove Avenue in Menlo Park, and early employees assembled routers on the kitchen table and shipped them by UPS. Incorporation changed little at first, except that now they could take orders from any organization. The first product Cisco sold as an independent company was reportedly a network interface card for Digital Equipment computers in 1985, which would have pleased the PDP-10 engineer in Bosack. In the roughly eight months ending July 31, 1985, total sales came to $109,000.
That is not nothing, and it is not enough. The orders kept coming, the living room kept filling, and the cash kept running out. Bosack and Lerner mortgaged their home to the limit, borrowed everything their credit cards would allow, and borrowed from friends. Some accounts describe salaries to friends who worked for them being deferred. Lerner, needing money to pay the household bills, took a day job managing research computing systems at Schlumberger's Computer Aided Systems Laboratory. She was, in other words, moonlighting at a corporate research lab in order to subsidize a startup that was itself subsidized by a mortgage, while her husband kept a university job running the very network the startup's product had grown out of.
The early team was small and remains, in most retellings, nearly anonymous: Kirk Lougheed, a Stanford staff engineer; Greg Satz, a programmer; Richard Troiano, who handled sales; in some accounts Bill Westfield. Lougheed deserves particular notice. Beginning in 1985 he and Bosack undertook a project to formally network the Stanford campus, and Lougheed adapted Yeager's router software into what would become the foundation of Cisco's operating system, IOS. That code was the company's core asset. (Decades later, Cisco would license the name "iOS" to Apple for its phones, so that a trademark descended from Yeager's PDP-11 software ended up on a billion devices that had nothing to do with routing.)
What the company sold, once it started selling routers in earnest in 1986, was the Advanced Gateway Server, or AGS, a revised version of the Stanford router. It was among the first commercially successful routers to support multiple network protocols, and it was sold, at first, almost entirely by word of mouth. In its first month of real selling, Cisco landed contracts worth more than $200,000. By 1987 the company had eight employees and was selling roughly $250,000 worth of routers a month, much of it to engineers at universities, research centers, aerospace firms, and government agencies who ran the same protocols and Unix machines as Stanford and who heard about cisco over the ARPANET itself.
The marketing channel was the product's own network. The customers were people like the founders. And the selling proposition was translation: a box that could speak TCP/IP, the Xerox protocols, DECnet, and whatever else a heterogeneous organization had accumulated, so that the organization did not have to choose. In the protocol wars of the 1980s every vendor wanted its standard to win. Cisco's insight, if it can be called a strategy at all rather than an engineer's natural impatience with the question, was to decline to fight. Let the protocols war. Sell the interpreter.
Whose Software
Here the story turns uncomfortable, and the founders' admirers tend to hurry past it.
The router software that Cisco was selling had been written at Stanford, on Stanford time, by a Stanford employee who said he had been refused permission to commercialize it. Bosack and Lougheed had adapted it. The hardware design descended from Bechtolsheim's Stanford circuitry. By some accounts the founders continued in their Stanford jobs after incorporating Cisco, working on what was, in effect, an improved copy of the Blue Box. On July 11, 1986, Stanford forced Bosack and Lougheed to resign. The university considered filing criminal complaints against Cisco and its founders for the theft of its software, hardware designs, and other intellectual property.
It did not. In 1987 Stanford licensed the router software and two computer boards to Cisco. One later account puts the settlement at $150,000 plus the software licenses, though the figure appears in only a single source. Whatever the precise terms, the outcome was a negotiated peace: the university got paid something and got a campus network out of the whole affair; Cisco got legal title to its origins.
How should one judge this? A later YouTube documentary put it bluntly: the founders "stole internal tech that was used at Stanford." An encyclopedia entry calls the use of the software illegal and the eventual settlement a resolution of "copyright violation charges." The founders' sympathizers point out that the work was collective, that the protocols were largely in the public domain, that Stanford's licensing office had been offered the business and could not move fast enough to take it, and that the university's own website would one day credit the founders with the invention. Lerner, telling the story years later on a podcast, emphasized exactly that tension: the protocols were public, the work had been collaborative, and yet Cisco had still managed to build products people wanted to buy.
All of these things are true at once, which is why the episode is worth more than a verdict. Stanford's network was a commons in the technical sense: improvements propagated, as Veizades said, and no one could say who did what. A commons cannot sell itself. Someone has to draw a boundary around a piece of it and take it to market, and the act of drawing that boundary is always, in some light, a theft from everyone else who stood inside it. Bosack drew the boundary. He was not the only person who could have. He was the one who did, at the cost of his job and very nearly a criminal referral.
Then he did something that sharpens the paradox. On January 29, 1988, Cisco filed an application for a patent titled "Method and apparatus for routing communications among computer networks." The sole named inventor was Leonard Bosack. He assigned his interest to Cisco on April 18, 1988. The patent, number 5,088,032, was granted on February 11, 1992, more than a year after he had left the company. It would be litigated as late as 2003, in the Eastern District of Texas, and its family would be flagged in patent databases as having critical litigation history. The man who had taken a router out of a commons where "one can't define who did what" now had his name, and only his name, on a federal patent describing a method for routing among networks.
There is no evidence that Bosack saw any contradiction. Patents were what companies filed; Cisco was a company now. But it is hard to read the filing date without noticing that in the same season the company's other great act of enclosure was underway: its founders were losing control of it.
Adult Supervision
By 1987 the living room could no longer contain the business. The founders needed capital, and they went looking for it in the place Silicon Valley had built for exactly this purpose. By most accounts they were turned away by many investors before Sequoia Capital agreed to put in $2.5 million. Sequoia's own records list Bosack as a founder it "partnered" with in 1987. The partner was Don Valentine, and Valentine's terms were the terms of a man who understood exactly how much leverage he had over two people with a maxed-out mortgage. One account says the investment bought roughly 29 percent of the company. Another says Valentine demanded and received controlling influence, and that he became chairman. The numbers vary by source; the direction does not.
The episode of Nerds 2.0.1 that dealt with Cisco was titled "Adult Supervision." That was the frame the industry used, and to some extent still uses: technical founders are children; investors bring in grown-ups. Cisco's first chief executive, Bill Graves, held the job from 1987 to 1988. Then came John Morgridge, appointed president and CEO in 1988. Accounts differ on who chose him. Lerner's own biography says that she and Bosack brought him in; others say Valentine did. Either way, Morgridge set about replacing a number of Cisco's managers, many of them friends of the founders, with people who had more conventional business experience. Bosack was given the title of chief scientist. Lerner became vice president of customer service.
Morgridge, an industry veteran, belongs to the type the founders' story requires and resents: the professional manager. He would run Cisco until 1995, and decades later he would deliver the graduation address at the Stanford Graduate School of Business, the institution whose computers Lerner had once managed. The symmetry is almost too neat. The business school where she ran the machines eventually invited the man who had fired her to tell its graduates how to succeed.
What the professionals did, in fairness, worked. In 1988 Cisco expanded its target market beyond universities and research labs to mainstream corporations with far-flung branch offices, each running different networks. For those customers the company built routers that supported an ever-wider array of protocols, until it could claim to support more of them than any competitor. When a commercial market for internetworking emerged in the late 1980s, Cisco was positioned at its center, with reasonably priced, high-performance boxes and a growing reputation among exactly the engineers who chose what to buy. The company was producing what the IEEE would later describe as revolutionary technology: the first multiport line cards designed specifically for routers, and sophisticated routing protocols. In fiscal 1990 sales reached $69.8 million and the staff numbered 254.
On February 16, 1990, cisco Systems went public on the NASDAQ at a market capitalization of $224 million. Some accounts give the offering price as $18 a share. The founders, on paper, were rich. They were also, in practice, increasingly irrelevant to the company's governance, and in Lerner's case increasingly at war with it. The accounts describe frequent disagreements between Lerner and Morgridge, disagreements about management style. She was not, by temperament or by biography, a person who had learned to defer. She had paid for college with cattle.
Making the Cisco Connection, David Bunnell's 2000 history of the company, describes Valentine's investment as one of the great returns in venture history, and it was. Bunnell's book also captures how the industry saw Cisco by the end of the decade: as a company that had "convincingly trounced" competitors like 3Com and Cabletron without the benefit of a near-monopoly handed down by IBM, in the way Microsoft and Intel had been. Read with the founders in mind, the book is a study in absence. Cisco's ascent is told almost entirely as a story of what happened after they left.
August 28, 1990
The firing itself has been told many times, and the essential facts are spare. On August 28, 1990, a little more than six months after the IPO, Cisco's management fired Sandy Lerner. When Bosack heard the news, he resigned. Several accounts say it was the same day. There is no record of deliberation.
What is striking, in every version, is the speed. Bosack did not negotiate. He did not stay on as chief scientist to protect his technical legacy, or to preserve his stock options, or to keep an eye on the code he had carried out of Stanford at such cost. He did not argue that the company needed him, though it is difficult to imagine that the routers did not. He simply left, the way a packet leaves a node, without looking back at the node.
Then the couple sold. Over time they disposed of all their Cisco stock, for a combined figure usually given as $170 million; a contemporary estimate put their wealth at about $190 million in 1990. In the ledger of Silicon Valley regret, this is one of the canonical entries, the founders who "lost everything" by selling a company that would be worth half a trillion dollars at its peak. A YouTube video on the subject bears that phrase as its title. The arithmetic is undeniable and also somewhat beside the point. What the founders gave up was not money they would have spent. They gave most of what they did take away.
It is worth pausing on what happened to the company without them, if only to measure the distance between Oak Grove Avenue and San Jose. Revenues exceeded $1 billion for the first time in 1994. In 1993 Cisco made its first acquisition, Crescendo Communications, and then kept buying: Kalpana, Grand Junction, and in 1996 StrataCom, for roughly $4 billion in stock, at the time the largest acquisition in Silicon Valley history. John Chambers succeeded Morgridge as chief executive in 1995. In 1996 Cisco's sales and net income both more than doubled, to $4.1 billion and $913 million. In 1999 the company bought seventeen businesses, including Cerent, a fiber-optic equipment startup in Petaluma, for about $7 billion. The company that had once refused to pick a winner in the protocol wars now refused to pick a winner in the technology wars: rather than invent everything internally, it used its soaring stock as currency to buy small companies, some little more than research teams, and fold them in. It was, in a sense, the router strategy applied to corporate development. Connect everything. Translate between it. Own the junction.
In late March 2000 Cisco became the most valuable company in the world, at more than $500 billion. Then the bubble burst and the company lost $431 billion of market value, roughly 80 percent, by 2002. As late as 2021 its shares remained 42 percent below their 2000 peak. Juniper Networks, shipping its first product in 1999, took about 30 percent of Cisco's service-provider market within a year. The company that had built the plumbing of the internet learned that plumbing, too, can be priced as though it were magic and then repriced as plumbing.
And then, slowly, it recovered. On December 10, 2025, Cisco's stock closed at a record for the first time since the dot-com peak, a quarter century later. December 10 was the company's forty-first birthday. In fiscal 2026 Cisco reported record revenue of $63.3 billion, with billions in orders for artificial-intelligence infrastructure. It is a member of the Dow Jones Industrial Average, which it joined on June 8, 2009, replacing General Motors. Its products have been entangled in nearly every controversy a networking company can be entangled in, from alleged assistance to Chinese internet surveillance to NSA implants intercepted in shipping. Routers, it turns out, are not neutral. Whoever controls the junction sees everything that passes through it.
None of this has much to do with Leonard Bosack, which is the point. By the time Cisco was worth anything, he was gone.
Weird Science
In 1991 the couple moved to Redmond, Washington. That same year they formed a foundation with $20 million and gave it a name that is easy to skim past: the Leonard X. Bosack and Bette M. Kruger Charitable Foundation. It was named for his father and her mother. Two people who had each, in very different ways, grown up as products of someone else's care put their parents' names on the money.
The foundation's work fell into two categories, and the categories were split by temperament. Lerner chose the animal-welfare grants. Bosack chose what the couple cheerfully called "weird science." In 1992 the foundation backed eight animal-welfare projects, including one in Topeka, Kansas, where prisoners at a correctional institution bathed, groomed, and socialized shelter animals before they were put up for adoption. The couple funded PetNet, a computer network linking Northern California animal shelters so people could find missing pets or animals to adopt. Lerner, who had rescued her favorite cat, Lilly, from a shelter where it faced certain death, made no apology for funding animals while people suffered. "People say, 'There are so many people things — why are you helping animals?'" she told the Seattle Times. "Well, I think it goes hand in hand."
PetNet is the detail that rhymes. Even in philanthropy, the founders' first instinct was to connect isolated systems: a dozen shelters, each with its own records, unable to talk to each other until someone built the interconnect.
Bosack's grants read like the reading list of a restless polymath. He paid for an evolutionary biologist trying to explain why menstruation occurs in humans. He bought vehicles for three field scientists studying tigers in Russia, Indochina, and India. He sponsored a three-year scholarship for a University of Washington student doing atmospheric research. The couple funded research at Harvard and Stanford searching the cosmos for extraterrestrial intelligence, a project NASA had once supported and then dropped. They sent 275 tons of grain to the St. Petersburg Theological Academy in Russia to help feed the hungry. And they bought Chawton House in Hampshire, England, a manor that had once belonged to Jane Austen's brother, Edward Austen Knight, and set about restoring it as a center for the study of early women's writing.
Science for science's sake, they told their visitor, often yields unexpected and exciting discoveries. That was when Bosack asked about lightning.
We have an unreasonable amount of money.
— Sandra Lerner, to the Seattle Times, December 1993
The marriage did not survive the decade's first half; the couple divorced in the early 1990s. Their subsequent lives diverged in a manner almost too symmetrical for fiction. Lerner put part of her stock proceeds into a venture partnership called & Capital Partners, which funded a cosmetics company called Urban Decay, whose tagline asked, "Does pink make you puke?" The French conglomerate LVMH bought it in February 2000, a month before Cisco's market peak. In 1996 she purchased Ayrshire Farm, a 600-acre estate in Upperville, Virginia, with a 42-room Edwardian fieldstone mansion, and made it the first farm in Virginia to meet both Certified Humane and Certified Organic standards. The rancher's ward returned to livestock. Chawton House opened in 2003 as the Centre for the Study of Early Women's Writing, 1600–1830; in 2015 she received an honorary OBE in a ceremony held there; in 2016 she resigned from its board and withdrew her foundation's support. In 2011, under the pen name Ava Farmer, for "a Virginia farmer," she published a sequel to Pride and Prejudice.
In 2013 she told CNBC that technology companies had lost the long view. "When I was in graduate school," she said, "all of the big companies had labs, all doing blue sky research." Now, "nobody has a long-term view anymore, it's quarter-to-quarter and nobody is willing to fund blue sky research." And in September 2023 she wrote the foreword to a book called Founder vs Investor, about the toxicity in relationships between venture capitalists and startup founders. Thirty-three years after August 28, 1990, she was still writing about it.
Bosack stayed with the machines.
The Floor Set by Light
XKL began, in the 1993 telling, as a project to speed up the input-output ability of a computer, which is to say to move data faster across a boundary. The company later became XKL LLC, privately funded, with Bosack as its chief executive, and it turned toward optical networking: the business of moving light through glass over long distances. This is the most physical layer of the stack. Routers decide where packets go. Fiber is how they get there.
The company's signature achievement, as described in the citation for the IEEE Computer Society's 2009 Computer Entrepreneur Award, which Bosack received jointly with Lerner, is an in-line fiber optic amplification system that transmitted data across 1,231 kilometers of fiber, roughly the distance from Chicago to New York, with a total latency, fiber plus equipment, of 6.071 milliseconds. Light alone cannot traverse that distance of glass in less than about 4.106 milliseconds. The rest is equipment, and the art is in shrinking it. Bosack's stated conviction, repeated in the award materials, is that the inherent but often untapped physics of fiber optic components can be leveraged to move data faster with devices that use less power, less space, and less cooling.
It is the lightning question again. Do not give him the summary. Give him the physics.
In recent years he has occasionally surfaced to talk. At an industry conference called AutoCon 4, he sat for a podcast with the host Scott Robohn and walked through his life in roughly the order a router processes a packet: header first, payload later. He described the shift from mathematics to computing, the PDP-10, the Altos, the PUP router, the broadcast storms. He recalled the support of ARPA, which had encouraged the commercialization of the Stanford technology. He talked about the IETF and the bruising debates over link-state versus distance-vector routing, and about the creation of BGP, the Border Gateway Protocol that still governs how the internet's large networks exchange routes, a protocol remembered in the industry by its nickname, the "Two Napkin Protocol." He talked about how young people should get into networking, and argued for paths into the field that did not run through traditional college programs, which is an interesting position for a man whose company was born, contested, and finally licensed by a university. Intelligence, energy, a willingness to learn: those, he said, were the requirements. Not credentials.
Then he talked about the present, and the present, for Bosack, is a heat problem. Scaling networks beyond 800 gigabits per second runs into the limits of what existing technology can cool. He argued for innovation in optical networking, and for separating the data plane, which carries traffic, from the control plane, which decides where traffic goes, in order to make networks more secure and more reliable. It is a characteristically unsentimental view of the internet he helped make possible: not a utopia, not a marketplace, but a thermal system with failure modes.
The man on that podcast stage is somewhere in his seventies. His net worth, estimated at about $200 million, is a rounding error beside the company he founded. His name appears on the patent, which expired in 2009, the same year he and his former wife accepted an engineering award together for a company neither had worked at in nearly two decades. The patent's claims, once Cisco's property and before that his, and before that, in the honest version, everyone's in the Hobbit hole, now belong to no one again.
And he is still at work on the gap. Between 4.106 milliseconds, which is what light needs to cross 1,231 kilometers of glass, and 6.071, which is what his machines need, lies 1.965 milliseconds: about two thousandths of a second, the whole remaining territory of the problem. It is the part he can do something about. Somewhere under the floor of a data hall between Chicago and New York, a pulse of light is crossing it right now, and nobody watching it pass could tell you whose idea it was.