The discovery, when it came, was a matter of perhaps eighteen inches.
On New Year's Day, 1906, a twenty-one-year-old Nova Scotian carried a case of brushes, some of them twisted together that same morning, up to a succession of front doors, and the doors, one after another, closed in his face. This was the normal condition of the trade. A woman alone in her house in the first decade of the twentieth century would open the door to find a stranger standing on the step. This one was six feet tall and broad through the chest, with the forearms and enormous hands of a man who had grown up hauling things on a farm, and he was close enough to wedge a shoe into the gap. She did the sensible thing.
Somewhere in those first hours, Alfred Carl Fuller tried something else. The accounts do not say which house, which street, whether it was the fourth door or the fourteenth. When the door opened, he stepped back.
That was the whole of it. A large man retreating half a pace so that a frightened woman could see all of him, his hands and his case, and could judge for herself that he meant no harm. It put her at ease. It bought him a sentence, and then another. By the end of that first day he had sold six dollars' worth of brushes. His share was three dollars. Half a century later, the company bearing his name would claim to have knocked on nine of every ten doors in America and sold more than $800 million worth of merchandise through them. The cartoonists of the intervening decades drew the Fuller Brush Man the other way, with his foot jammed in the door, leaning in, unstoppable. Fuller seems not to have minded. When he finally sat down in 1960 to tell his life story to the journalist Hartzell Spence, he called the book
A Foot in the Door.
It is a peculiar title for a man whose method began with stepping back. It may also be the most honest thing he ever said about himself. The step backward and the foot forward were never opposites. They were two halves of a single motion, the motion of an outsider trying to get inside, and Fuller spent sixty-eight years performing it at the threshold of a country that was not, at first, his own.
By the Numbers
The Fuller Brush Company
$375Savings Fuller accumulated before starting his own brush business
$8,500Sales in the company's first year
260Dealers recruited from a single 1909 classified advertisement
7 of 10Recruits who failed within their first three months, per company archives
$15MAnnual sales by 1923
9 of 10American homes reached by Fuller salespeople between 1906 and 1956
$130MAnnual company income at Fuller's death in 1973
A Cent a Quart, and the Hands That Earned It
The Annapolis Valley of Nova Scotia is apple country, a long green trough between two ridges where the Bay of Fundy's tides shove in and out with a violence that seems out of proportion to the gentle orchards above them. Alfred Fuller was born there on January 13, 1885, on a farm in Welsford, Kings County, the eleventh of twelve children of Leander Joseph Fuller and Phebe Jane Collins Fuller. The family called him Uppie. One biographical sketch places his birth in nearby Grand Pré, the village Longfellow made famous as the home of the expelled Acadians. Most put it at Welsford. Both are a few miles from where he is buried.
There was a wrinkle in the family's geography that would come to matter. The Fullers counted Mayflower passengers among their ancestors, and the family had migrated up to Nova Scotia from New England. So when Alfred went south to Boston at eighteen, he was in a sense going back, an immigrant whose bloodline had arrived on the continent's founding ship, crossing a border his forebears had crossed in the other direction. He was both foreign and, in some genealogical sense, the most American person on any doorstep he would ever approach. It is the kind of doubleness that would serve a salesman well.
Leander Fuller was a farmer who distrusted what he called "city slickers," men who seemed to make a living without sweating for it. He had a habit of looking at his son's hands and delivering what amounted to the family's economic doctrine.
These are your fortune, boy. Be suspicious of anyone who shows you how to make a living without using them.
— Leander Fuller, to his son, as recalled in A Foot in the Door
Phebe Fuller was a devout Methodist and a thrifty homemaker. Attendance at church was not optional. Alfred later credited those Sunday mornings with his lifelong optimism, noting that the sermons he remembered dwelt less on the wages of sin than on the rewards of modesty and clean living. He got his schooling in a one-room schoolhouse and never went beyond grammar school. In Nova Scotia, children were expected to support themselves by eighteen.
His first wages came from berries. He picked strawberries for a neighbor about three miles from home at a cent a quart, and on a good day, after twelve hours bent over the rows, he might clear thirty cents. One account says the thirty cents came from cranberries. The arithmetic is the same either way, and so is the lesson he took from it, which he put down in his memoir with the specificity of a man who had thought about it for fifty years:
"I think that my later organization of Fuller Brush Men as independent dealers who are business men in their own communities, draw no salary from the company, and earn only the fruits of their own sales, was germinated in a Nova Scotia strawberry patch."
He elaborated elsewhere, with a farm boy's unsentimental candor, that if he had been paid by the hour in that strawberry patch he would have eaten the profits. Piecework kept the berries in the basket. It also kept the boy honest about his own output, which is a subtler thing. He learned another lesson in the same years, hiring a younger brother to help him with his chores. He was perhaps the only twelve-year-old in Kings County running a labor arbitrage on his own family.
These are the founding documents of the Fuller Brush Company: a father's hands, a mother's Bible, a cent a quart, and a little brother on the payroll. Almost everything that followed was an elaboration.
Fired Three Times in Somerville
In 1903, Alfred Fuller followed four of his older siblings south to Somerville, Massachusetts, the dense, working-class city of three-deckers just northwest of Boston. He was the fifth of the Fuller children to make the trip, because there was no future at home except farming, and the farm already had more hands than it needed. He moved in with his sister Annie at 21 Windham Street, a few steps from Davis Square.
What followed was not promising. One brother was a motorman on the Boston Elevated Railway and got Alfred a job as a conductor. He lost it. He took work as a gardener and handyman and lost that too. A third brother, Robert, ran a small express delivery business and hired Alfred to drive a wagon. That ended as well. The sketches written during his lifetime describe the young man in terms that are kind but not flattering: lanky, quiet, unschooled, too awkward and unsophisticated and shy to keep a job. He called himself a country bumpkin, a label he never shed and eventually wore like a uniform.
Decades later, Fuller came across a biography of himself that noted he had been fired from his first three jobs. His response, by one account, was dry: "I guess it's self-evident why I became self-employed. I had no choice." The line has the rhythm of a joke told many times. It also has the ring of something true, which is that the farm boy's great insight about American commerce began as a confession of unemployability. The young Fuller did not choose independence over security the way the business-school version of the story implies. Security, three separate times, chose against him.
In 1905 he found work selling brushes and mops door to door for the Somerville Brush and Mop Company, a modest Boston firm run by a man named William Staples. One of his brothers already worked in the brush trade. Staples gave him a brief lesson in the art of the house call and a sample case holding twenty-five brushes, and sent him out into a well-to-do section of Roxbury.
Something happened in Roxbury that had not happened on the trolley or behind the wagon. The work that defeated him in employment, work that required deference and quick handling of strangers, suddenly suited him when the stranger was a housewife with a cleaning problem and the only supervisor was the result. He learned that talking about brushes got him nowhere. Using them got him everywhere.
The trick was not to make her buy, but to show her what the brush could do. This required actions rather than words. I washed babies with a back brush, swept stairs, cleaned radiators and milk bottles, dusted floors — anything that would prove the worth of what I had to sell.
— Alfred C. Fuller, A Foot in the Door (1960)
Read that list slowly. A strange man, recently fired from a delivery wagon, is standing in a Roxbury parlor bathing somebody's infant with a back brush. Whatever else is happening, the threshold has been crossed. The woman has handed over the most precious thing in the house, and the sample case has become a set of tools rather than a pitch. He would later describe the principle as a "basic truth": the product must sell itself. "Whenever a housewife saw that I had a superior brush or mop which she needed, at a price she could pay, she bought it."
It was the sort of truth that sounds obvious once a man has spent a year proving it on his knees. Staples, apparently, never quite heard it. His customers kept asking Fuller for brushes the company didn't make, and in that small gap between what the women of Roxbury wanted and what the Somerville Brush and Mop Company sold, Fuller saw his business. Within a year he had saved $375. In a year he had been paid entirely in the fruits of his own sales.
The Bench Between the Furnace and the Coal Bin
The numbers from the founding of the Fuller Brush Company do not agree, and the disagreements are themselves a kind of portrait. Fuller had saved $375; on that the more careful accounts converge. He spent $80 of it on equipment and materials, though Wikipedia records the founding investment as $75 and one popular history says $65. His sister was unhappy, according to a Somerville local historian, that he had spent $3.75 on a gas lamp so he could see to work at night. The basement in question was in Somerville, though some versions place it, impossibly, in Hartford. The first week brought in $62, or $42. The company launched as the Capitol Brush Company and was renamed the Fuller Brush Company in 1910, or in 1913, after Fuller learned that someone else already owned the name. One account renders it "Capital." Every story of an American fortune accumulates this sort of sediment, and the farm boy himself, telling his story to a ghostwriter at seventy-five, was hardly in a position to sort it out.
What does not vary is the bench. It sat in the basement between the furnace and the coal bin, and on it Fuller mounted a small hand-cranked wire-twisting machine (one account says he designed it himself) along with spools of wire in several gauges. He laid in horsehair, fiber, and hog bristle. The technology was primitive and widely available: a tuft of bristle laid across a doubled length of wire, the wire twisted tight until it clamped the bristles into a spiral. Anyone could do it. The genius, if that is the word, lay in what Fuller refused to do with it.
"By the time I began to sell brushes in 1906, most of the cheaper brands on the market were of twisted-in wire. The fiber materials employed were as haphazard as the techniques of fabrication. For most processors, anything they could lay their hands on was good enough; they did not want their wares to endure too long, or there would be no repeat business. This philosophy has become known as calculated obsolescence."
Fuller turned it down. It is worth pausing on what that refusal cost, or appeared to cost. A brush that lasts forever is a customer you see once. The entire brush industry in 1906 totaled $19 million in sales, and its economics rested on the expectation that things would fall apart. Fuller's counter-bet was that a woman who bought a brush that didn't fall apart would buy every other kind of brush from the same man, and that the man could keep inventing new kinds. He was right on both counts, and the second turned out to matter more.
He made brushes at night and sold them during the day. He sold his first brush, by his own recollection, to a woman who wanted something to clean a radiator. "After that," he said, "I studied a housewife's needs and we made a brush for every need." The needs of a turn-of-the-century household were baroque. There were silk hats that wanted camel-hair brushes, spittoons, Victorian furniture with carved crevices and long-handled dusting problems, and floors that ordinary bristle scratched. Fuller's catalog grew into a taxonomy of domestic labor. The company would eventually produce more than seven hundred types of brushes.
After four months of averaging $50 a week, he went looking for more territory. Hartford, Connecticut, which he had visited on sales trips, was the insurance capital of the world and lined with stately Victorian houses, all intricate paneling and iron grillwork, every square inch of it collecting dust. To a man with a radiator brush in his case, the place looked like a gold field. He moved there in 1906, rented space for $11 a month (or $8, on Park Street, in another account), and hired a shop assistant.
From the start he held to three rules, and they survived him by half a century, outlasting four changes of ownership, a bankruptcy, and a stint as the subsidiary of a photographic-chemicals company:
Make it work. Make it last. Guarantee it no matter what.
It is hard to overstate how little these words resemble a mission statement. There is no customer-centricity in them, no vision, no talk of disruption. They are instructions for a man at a bench. They could have been written by his father.
Evelyn Outsold Him
In 1908, two years into the business, Fuller decided he had saved enough to marry. He chose Evelyn Winnifred Ells, another Nova Scotian living in Boston, and the record suggests he chose the way he chose a market. "There never seemed to be much of a romance," notes a Canadian educational biography, with the delicacy of someone describing a merger.
Evelyn became the company's secretary, its accountant, and, almost immediately, its best salesperson. She went out with a sample case and outsold her husband on her first day. According to the company's own archival account, she kept outselling him nearly every day for the next two years, and the family's lore settled on a figure of two to one. It is one of the more delightful facts in American business history and one of the least examined. The company that became synonymous with the Fuller Brush Man, whose founder was celebrated as the original Fuller Brush Man, whose later attempts to put women on the road would be treated by Time as a novelty worth a pun ("Fuller's Fillies," 1948), was in its first two years most effectively sold by a woman.
On one of their selling trips the couple encountered Christian Science, the faith founded by Mary Baker Eddy, and both converted. For Alfred, the conversion was durable. Fuller loved golf and travel, but his chief interest outside the business for the rest of his life was Christian Science. He came to describe success in terms of "tuning" himself to the metaphysics of the universe, and he spoke of his company, without irony, as an expression of divine order:
"The organization has been shaped and is now permeated with a spirit which, whether consciously or unconsciously, is founded on the Scriptures, and, I believe, is directly motivated by metaphysical influences."
A skeptical reader may smile at a brush company claiming metaphysical motivation. A careful reader notices how neatly the faith fit the business. Christian Science held that the material world's discords, illness and disorder included, were errors to be corrected by right understanding. Fuller sold the correction of household disorder, one specialized tool at a time, and staffed his sales force with men who were told that persistence and right attitude would be rewarded as surely as a full quart of strawberries. The metaphysics and the commission plan pointed in the same direction.
The couple had two sons: Alfred Howard, born in 1913, and Avard Ells, born in 1916. Their love, as one account puts it, never grew. Alfred and Evelyn divorced in 1930. Two years later, in New York City, he married Mary Primrose Pelton of Yarmouth, Nova Scotia. She was nineteen years his junior, a lifelong amateur pianist, and they stayed married until his death. He had, once again, gone home for what he needed.
What became of Evelyn after 1930 the sources do not say. She outsold him two to one and then she disappears from the record, which is its own sort of fact.
Two Hundred and Sixty Strangers
By 1910 the company had 25 salespeople and six factory workers, about $30,000 in sales, and territory spread across New England, New York, and Pennsylvania. Fuller wanted more. What he did next is the hinge of the entire story, more consequential than any brush he designed.
He placed a classified advertisement for sales distributors. The Connecticut Humanities history dates it to 1909 and places it in the Syracuse Post-Standard; other accounts mention Everybody's Magazine. It drew 260 dealers. Within months the Fuller Brush Company had a national footprint, built not of stores or warehouses but of strangers who had answered an ad.
The terms Fuller offered them came straight from the strawberry patch. There was no salary. The dealers bought their brushes from the company at wholesale, sold them at retail, and kept the difference, about thirty percent. Each worked a territory of roughly 2,000 homes. They walked, on average, six miles a day and closed one sale for every five houses they visited. The archive's most unsentimental number is that seven out of ten recruits failed within their first three months. Another estimate held that only two of every seven who tried the job lasted.
The economics were elegant in a way that could curdle into something colder, and Fortune saw both qualities when it sent a writer to Hartford in 1938. By January of that year, the magazine reported, 5,110 men were selling Fuller brushes. A force that size might have cost a fortune to maintain. For Fuller it cost almost nothing, because the whole apparatus "is made to maintain itself almost entirely by an unbroken line of calculated self-interest." The hierarchy ran seven unit sales managers for the entire country, 150 branch managers, 600 field managers, and more than 4,000 canvassers at the bottom. The company called the canvassers "dealers." Fortune noted, with a raised eyebrow you can practically hear, that the word had been "used loosely since 1929 but definitely adopted about a year before the passage of the Social Security Act made the distinction important." An independent dealer is not an employee. An employee requires payroll taxes.
Brushes are objects of little intrinsic interest. They are old, familiar, and intimately associated with drudgery. Anybody can make them, and making brushes is not the Fuller story.
— Fortune, October 1938
The magazine called the Fuller story "a story of how to sell," and also, pointedly, "a first-rate study in normal and subnormal psychology." Which psychology was normal and which subnormal, the writer left the reader to decide: the housewife "more or less mesmerized" into examining every brush in the case, or the dealer who walked six miles to sell one house in five and kept coming back.
Fuller knew how hard the work was. He had done it, and his wife had done it better. So he built around the attrition an elaborate apparatus of morale that would later seem quaint and was, at the time, closer to a theology. There were company songs. There were pep talks, bonuses, contests, and grants of company stock. There was a 22-acre company park with a clubhouse, a place for the dealers to be something other than strangers on a step. And there were Fuller's own aphorisms, delivered with the earnestness of a man who never quite stopped being a Methodist boy. His favorite: American ends with "I can," and dough begins with "do."
It is easy to sneer at that line. It is harder to sneer at what it represented to the men hearing it in the 1920s and 1930s, many of them immigrants and farm boys and college kids. Fuller was offering a credential that required no credentials. A man needed no diploma, no capital, and no connections to carry the case, only the willingness to be turned away four times out of five. The future evangelist Billy Graham did it the summer after high school and, by Time's account, outsold every other salesman in North Carolina. Dewald Strauss, a Holocaust survivor, sold Fuller brushes in New York City, and Alice Neel painted him in a portrait she titled simply Fuller Brush Man. J. Bruce Llewellyn, later a co-founder of 100 Black Men of America, carried the case, as did Ed Stelmach, who would become premier of Alberta, Dick Clark, Clifford Irving in Syracuse before his famous hoax, and Paul Reubens while studying at the California Institute of the Arts, years before he became Pee-wee Herman. Ellen Barkin's father carried it in the Bronx.
It was a job for people trying to get in.
I'm Your Fuller Brush Man
By the 1920s the house call had been refined into something closer to choreography, and the historian Gerald Carson, writing in American Heritage in 1986, reconstructed it beat by beat with the affection of a man who remembered the doorbell ringing.
The doorbell rings. A well-groomed, smiling man stands on the step, and as the door opens he steps back, deferentially, which by now is doctrine rather than discovery. "I'm your Fuller Brush Man," he says. "And I have a gift for you." The gift is the Handy Brush, a small free vegetable brush and the most effective door-opener in the history of American retail. Accepting a gift from someone and then shutting the door on him is socially awkward, and the brush was designed to be that small, fixed weight of obligation. "I'll just step in a moment," the man says, scooping up his case and kicking off his rubbers, which he has bought a size too large, deliberately, so they slip off without a struggle on the porch. Inside, he seems to know by instinct where the living room is. Within seconds his case is open, the free brush splendidly in view, the demonstration (the "dem," in company argot) already under way.
The brushes look like anyone else's brushes. He explains why they are not. "What do you think of these bristles, madam?" She knows nothing about bristles. He shows her. He is not selling things, he says, but service: better ways to keep a house and less drudgery. The talk never flags, because in door-to-door selling a pause is the sound of a sale dying.
Then comes the part that a modern growth marketer would recognize as brilliant and a modern consumer advocate might recognize as something else. He asks for no money. He leaves no brushes. He writes up the order, three to seven dollars on average, and departs. He returns the following Saturday, when the husband's paycheck is still largely intact, to deliver the merchandise and collect cash. If she has changed her mind in the intervening week, as she sometimes has, he looks troubled but never argues. He scans the list and asks:
"Which one did you decide you could get along without?"
She had meant to cancel the whole order. The question reframes cancellation as subtraction, and subtraction requires her to choose which useful thing to give up, and in the choosing the order usually survives, sometimes with a substitution. Carson reported that the Fuller dealer, once allowed to make his full pitch, left two out of three homes with an order. Connoisseurs of cold-call peddling, he wrote, regarded the Fuller technique the way balletomanes regard the Bolshoi: "as pure poetry."
The man would be back in three to six months with new items. The company's slogan promised "45 Brushes — 69 Uses — Head to Foot — Cellar to Attic." And if the housewife couldn't remember the salesman's name, it hardly mattered. To her, he was "Mr. Fuller."
The name itself arrived from outside. In 1922 a salesman for The Saturday Evening Post coined the phrase "Fuller Brush Man," and what happened next is the detail Fuller seems to have treasured most, telling it in his memoir with something like wonder:
"Within a month of The Post's inspiration, our representatives, on their own initiative, were approaching every door with the customary smile, but with a new introduction: 'I'm your Fuller Brush Man.' So he has remained."
On their own initiative. The company did not mandate it. Five thousand independent dealers, men who by careful legal design were not his employees, adopted their founder's surname as an introduction because it worked. The independent contractor model had produced, without any directive, an army of men voluntarily introducing themselves as an extension of one Nova Scotian. The farm boy who couldn't hold a job had become a job description.
Sales climbed from $87,000 in 1916 to $15 million in 1923, and the dealer count passed 1,000. World War I brought military contracts for specialized brushes, and on the home front the Handy Brush was born. Fuller products were sold to Franklin Roosevelt at Hyde Park and to John D. Rockefeller at Pocantico Hills. The Fuller Brush Man turned up in Blondie, in Mutt and Jeff, in Mickey Mouse. Donald Duck played one. In Walt Disney's Three Little Pigs, the Big Bad Wolf disguised himself as a Fuller Brush Man to get through the door, which is a joke that only works if everyone in the audience already knows the Fuller man is the one stranger you would let in.
Then there were the off-color jokes, the endless variations on the Fuller man surprising the lady of the house in what Fortune called "a state of nature." The magazine counted the flood of gags as "probably not exceeded since Ford's Model T went to town." Fuller tolerated all of it. He reasoned that the free publicity kept his advertising budget low, and he was right.
In 1948, Columbia Pictures released The Fuller Brush Man, starring Red Skelton as a hapless street cleaner turned door-to-door salesman who stumbles into a murder. It had been in development for four years. The producer, S. Sylvan Simon, could find no studio interest until Miracle on 34th Street demonstrated what a commercial tie-in could do. The film cost $950,000 and earned $3.1 million in U.S. rentals, one of the top grossers of the year. Its climax identifies the murder weapon as a Fuller brush molded into the shape of a knife.
The company agreed to all of this, including the brush as murder weapon, on one condition. The final film had to make clear that Skelton's character was an independent dealer and not an employee of the company.
That clause tells you everything. Fuller would let Hollywood make his brush into a dagger. He would not let it make his salesman into an employee.
The Doors That Closed
Not every door opened.
In 1931 the town of Green River, Wyoming, passed an ordinance restricting door-to-door solicitation, the first of what became known nationally as Green River ordinances. The impetus, as the local history tells it, was railroad workers demanding protection of their daytime sleep. Fuller Brush challenged the ordinance and carried the case all the way to the United States Supreme Court, which on March 1, 1937, dismissed the appeal "for want of a substantial federal question." The phrase is a masterpiece of judicial understatement. A door-to-door company built on the premise that every household was an open market had asked the highest court in the land to affirm a right to ring the bell, and the Court declined to find the question substantial. Towns across the country could now legislate the threshold shut.
The Depression was closing doors too. Fortune's 1938 profile reported that the company had grossed $10 million the previous year, a third less than the $15 million it had reported back in 1923. The magazine wrote that 1938 would be better, and in time it was. Fuller relocated in the mid-1930s from rented space on Union Place, across from the New Haven Railroad station, to a purpose-built, sprawling three-story brick complex at 3580 Main Street on Hartford's northern edge. In 1942 he bought out the Mohawk Brush Company of Albany, whose Bristlecomb hairbrush Fuller had been distributing since 1928. When the war came, the company cut civilian output drastically and made brushes for cleaning guns, about forty million of them.
But the most consequential door to close in those years swung shut inside the company. In 1929, Stanley Beveridge, Fuller's vice president of sales, left. He founded Stanley Home Products and did something Fuller had resisted, building his sales force around women, who sold as "dealers" at home parties rather than on cold calls. By 1949 Stanley's sales had reached $35 million, exceeding Fuller's for the first time. Time ran the story in January 1950 under the headline "The Brush Man."
Fuller should have known. His first wife had outsold him two to one. He had evidence in his own house in 1908, and it took a defector's company passing his own, two decades after the defection, to make the case conclusive. In 1948 the company added Débutante Cosmetics, acquired from Daggett & Ramsdell, along with a sales force of women called Fullerettes, resurrecting a wartime experiment. Lucille Ball played one in The Fuller Brush Girl in 1950, a scatterbrain whose door-to-door cosmetic calls end in disaster. In 1966, with unemployment at 3.8 percent and qualified men scarce, and Avon's example impossible to ignore, Fuller Brush hired 17,500 women. Time's headline that year: "A Good Man Is Hard to Find — So They Hire Women."
There is another Fuller who belongs in this section, though he was no relation. Samuel B. Fuller was born in 1905 to a sharecropping family in Ouachita Parish, Louisiana, dropped out of school in the sixth grade, and was selling products door to door by the age of nine. When his mother died he was seventeen, and he and his six siblings refused government relief because, he said, "it was a shame in those days for people to receive relief." In 1929 in Chicago, with twenty-five dollars borrowed against his car, he bought a load of soap and started knocking on doors on the South Side, where the Great Migration was delivering a customer base by the trainload. By the 1950s Fuller Products had $18 million in sales and five thousand salespeople, a third of them white, and S. B. Fuller was probably the richest Black man in the United States. "No one cares whether a cow is black, red, yellow, or brown," he liked to say. "They want to know how much milk it can produce."
He was wrong about the cows, or at least about the customers. When White Citizens Councils learned in the 1950s that a Black man owned the Nadal cosmetics line, they organized a boycott, and S. B. Fuller's fortunes began their long slide.
Two men named Fuller, both raised on the land, both born into poverty, both of them preaching piecework and self-reliance and the dignity of the sample case. One carried a Mayflower lineage and a farm boy's courtliness across a border that barely registered as a border. Every door that opened to him opened, in part, because of who stood on the step. The other built an empire on the same motion and discovered, when it mattered, that some doors were checking more than the merchandise.
The Sons
Alfred Howard Fuller joined his father's company in 1942 and became its president the following year, at about thirty. The founder moved up to chairman. Howard was the modernizer. He updated manufacturing, expanded the line into household cleaners, vitamins, and cosmetics, and pushed the Fullerettes onto the road. Avard, the younger son, ran sales. Under Howard the company reached its high-water mark of ubiquity. By 1956 it had 7,000 full-time distributors, a catalog reaching some five million people, and dealers who called at nine of every ten American homes. Sales passed $30 million in 1947 and kept climbing.
In May 1959, Howard and his wife Dora were killed in New Mexico, in the high-speed crash of his Mercedes 300SL gullwing.
The machine is worth a moment. The 300SL was the most glamorous sports car of its decade, a German racing coupe whose doors opened upward like wings, and it was owned by the son of a man who had made his fortune walking six miles a day in rubbers a size too large. One generation took the farm boy from the strawberry patch to the doorstep. The next went from the doorstep to a car whose doors did not even open sideways, and the road ended in New Mexico, a long way from either Hartford or the Annapolis Valley.
Avard took over at forty-four. In 1960 the company left Hartford for a new purpose-built campus on Long Hill Street in East Hartford, across the Connecticut River. That same year, a seventy-five-year-old Alfred Fuller published A Foot in the Door, as told to Hartzell Spence, 250 pages from McGraw-Hill. In 1959 he had been inducted into the Horatio Alger Association of Distinguished Americans. In 1961 Folkways Records, better known for Lead Belly and Woody Guthrie, released a long-playing record titled Careers in Selling: An Interview with Alfred C. Fuller. The country bumpkin had become a folk artifact, filed alongside the nation's field recordings as a voice from a disappearing America.
He was not wrong to sense the disappearance. In 1968 the family sold the company to Consolidated Foods, the corporation that would later rename itself Sara Lee. Avard retired the following year. Fuller himself had remained chairman until the sale, sixty-two years after the bench and the coal bin. Five years later, office operations moved to Niles, Illinois, and then, along with manufacturing and research, to Great Bend, Kansas, in 1973. The farm boy's company landed in the middle of the American farm belt.
Fuller died in Hartford on December 4, 1973, of myeloma, at eighty-eight. The company's annual income that year was $130 million. It still employed something on the order of 25,000 salespeople across the United States, Canada, and Mexico. The doorbells were still ringing. They were ringing less often, and more of the houses were empty during the day.
What the Name Carried After the Man Was Gone
The rest of the story is the sort of corporate obituary that runs in the business pages without a photograph.
As late as 1985, every dollar of Fuller Brush revenue still came from door-to-door sales. By the mid-1980s the company had finally acknowledged what Stanley Beveridge had grasped in 1929 and the Bureau of Labor Statistics had been documenting for a generation: the woman behind the door was no longer home. The company began mailing 10 million catalogs a year and opened outlet stores selling slow movers, returns, and slightly flawed goods. By mid-1989, 35 percent of an estimated $160 million in annual sales came from catalogs and another 5 percent from stores. That same year, a group of Kansas investors led by Lee Turner, a trial lawyer, took the company private. By 1991 it was called Fuller Industries, and under Stuart Ochiltree it decided its future lay in multi-level marketing, a decision that effectively destroyed what remained of the door-to-door force. A rescue plan for integrating the catalog and door-to-door channels was proposed and rejected.
In June 1994, saddled with what the New York Times called a "heavy debt burden" and with sales shrunk to $24 million, the Fuller Brush Company was acquired by CPAC Inc., a maker of photographic chemicals in Leicester, New York. In 2007 a private equity firm took CPAC private in a leveraged buyout. On February 21, 2012, the Fuller Brush Company filed for Chapter 11. It had 180 employees. That December a buyer took it out of bankruptcy and moved its headquarters to Napa, California, wine country, about as far as an American company can travel from a strawberry patch.
In January 2018, Galaxy Brush LLC of Lakewood, New Jersey, bought the Fuller Brush name, trademarks, and patents. It also bought the name and trademarks of Stanley Home Products.
So the company Alfred Fuller built and the company his departed sales chief built to beat him now sit under the same roof, owned by a firm that bought them both as names, and the manufacturing of both has been returned to Great Bend, Kansas. Through all of it, the founder's three rules stayed on the website. Make it work. Make it last. Guarantee it no matter what.
Fuller never stopped going back. Through the decades in Hartford and West Hartford, he and Primrose spent their summers in Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, in a house at 20 Collins Street built around 1895 and bought by her maternal grandparents. Her mother, Susan Pelton, lived there until her death in 1965. In Hartford the couple gave money to the Hartford Symphony, the Hartford Opera, the Bushnell Memorial, and above all the Hartt School of Music. The Hartt gave Fuller an honorary degree in 1952, on a list that later included Marian Anderson and Aaron Copland. The Alfred C. Fuller Music Center rose on the University of Hartford campus in 1963. When Primrose died in October 1997 at ninety-four, her estate left $15 million to the Hartt School, the largest gift in the university's history. A year before her death, in 1996, she gave the Yarmouth house to the county museum next door.
It has been restored. In summer it opens to the public. The rooms still hold the family's furniture, a fine Persian carpet, and a baby grand piano said to be one of three made for royalty. There are displays of photographs and old advertisements, and of Fuller products.
The man himself lies in Pleasant Valley Cemetery in Somerset, Kings County, about four kilometers from the farm in Welsford where he was born, a walk not much longer than the one he used to make to the neighbor's strawberry rows. Someone photographed the memorial on July 1, 2006, the year the company turned one hundred, and posted the coordinates online: 45°04'52"N, 64°43'42"W.
In Yarmouth, at 20 Collins Street, the door of the salesman's house is open through the summer, and strangers walk in without knocking.