The Night Forty-Four Million People Held Their Breath
On the evening of January 19, 1953, more human beings were watching a single television screen than had ever watched anything simultaneously in the history of the medium. Forty-four million of them — roughly one in every four Americans alive — tuned to CBS to watch a fictional Cuban bandleader pace the halls of a fictional hospital while his fictional wife gave birth to a fictional son named Little Ricky. At the same moment, in a real hospital across town, Lucille Ball was delivering her second child, Desiderio Alberto Arnaz y de Acha IV, by cesarean section. CBS received more than one million congratulatory phone calls, telegrams, and letters. The next morning, Dwight D. Eisenhower was inaugurated as the thirty-fourth President of the United States. His ceremony drew less attention.
The coincidence had been engineered months in advance — the delivery date scheduled, the episode timed, the scripts written to track Ball's actual expanding belly across the season — but the magnitude of what happened exceeded any plan. A woman who had spent nearly two decades failing to become a movie star, who had been called "Queen of the B's" without anyone meaning it as a compliment, who had been fired from drama school and told by her teachers that she was wasting everyone's time, had become so essential to the national nervous system that her pregnancy was bigger news than a presidential inauguration. Not her character's pregnancy. Hers. The line between Lucy Ricardo and Lucille Ball had dissolved so completely that a fictional birth and a real birth could occupy the same evening, the same audience, the same tears, and nobody felt deceived. They felt included.
This was the thing about Lucille Ball that defied every available framework: she was not what she appeared to be, and what she appeared to be was not what made her powerful. The goofy redhead was actually a brunette. The scatterbrained housewife was actually a meticulous technician of physical comedy who rehearsed gags until her body ached. The lovable klutz was actually the first woman to run a major Hollywood production studio, a business executive who bought RKO — the very studio that had once kept her in the minor leagues — and sold it for $17 million. The woman America loved for being hapless was, in every dimension that mattered, ruthlessly competent.
By the Numbers
The Lucille Ball Empire
80+Films over a 20-year movie career
6Consecutive seasons I Love Lucy ranked in top 3
44MViewers for the Little Ricky birth episode (1953)
80+Countries syndicating I Love Lucy
$17MSale price of Desilu to Gulf and Western (1967)
4Emmy Awards won
23Years in prime-time television (1951–1974)
A Bird Flew in the Window
The mythology of Lucille Ball begins with a death she could barely have understood but never forgot. She was three years old and living in Michigan when her father, Henry Durrell Ball — an electrician everyone called Had — contracted typhoid fever while working as a telephone lineman for Michigan Bell. He died in February 1915. His daughter, who would spend the rest of her life channeling private anguish into public comedy, later described the day with the uncanny precision of a trauma that had calcified into permanent memory: "I do remember everything that happened. Hanging out the window, begging to play with the kids next door who had measles, the doctor coming, my mother weeping. I remember a bird that flew in the window, a picture that fell off the wall."
That bird, that picture — omens from a world that had just revealed itself as fundamentally unstable. The family unraveled. Her mother Desiree, pregnant with Ball's brother Fred, packed them up and returned to Jamestown, New York. Desiree eventually remarried a man named Ed Peterson, who had no affection for children and less interest in acquiring any. The new couple moved to Detroit, leaving Fred with Desiree's parents and shipping Lucille off to live with Peterson's mother — a stern, frugal woman who couldn't afford school pencils for her step-granddaughter. Ball was not yet five, and she had already learned the lesson that would underwrite her entire career: the people you love will leave, and the ground beneath you is never solid.
At eleven, she was finally reunited with her mother. By fifteen, the restlessness had become unbearable. She convinced Desiree to let her enroll at the John Murray Anderson-Robert Milton Dramatic School in Manhattan — a creditable institution whose other students included a young woman named Bette Davis. Ball was terrified and silent. Davis shone. The school sent a letter home: "Lucy's wasting her time and ours. She's too shy and reticent to put her best foot forward."
She stayed in New York anyway. Reinvented herself as a model named Diane Belmont. Got fired from four Broadway chorus lines. Endured a debilitating bout of rheumatoid arthritis that kept her from working for nearly two years. Returned. Dyed her chestnut hair blonde. Got a job as the Chesterfield Cigarettes poster girl. In 1933, an agent named Sylvia Hahlo spotted her at the Palace Theatre and mentioned that Samuel Goldwyn needed another showgirl for a film called Roman Scandals starring Eddie Cantor. Three days later, Lucille Ball boarded a train for Hollywood. She was twenty-two years old. She had been failing for seven years. She would fail for seventeen more before the world noticed.
Queen of Nothing
The Hollywood that received Lucille Ball in 1933 was a factory town running three shifts. Studios churned out product — dozens of films a year — and contract players like Ball were interchangeable parts, moved from lot to lot, role to role, with the indifference of widgets on an assembly line. She went from Goldwyn to Columbia, where she took a pay cut to play alongside the Three Stooges in Three Little Pigskins (1934). She landed at RKO, which would become the defining institution of her early career — and, in one of those ironies that only decades can produce, the institution she would eventually buy and dismantle.
Through the mid-1930s and into the 1940s, Ball appeared in film after film — Stage Door (1937) alongside Ginger Rogers and Katharine Hepburn, Room Service (1938) with the Marx Brothers, Five Came Back (1939), The Big Street (1942) opposite Henry Fonda. The pace was relentless. By the end of the decade, she had appeared in more than forty-three films. The industry called her "Queen of the B's." She was reliable, attractive, game for anything. What she was not was a star.
The problem was not talent — it was taxonomy. Hollywood in the sound era had rigid categories for women: glamour girls delivered witty lines in evening gowns; ingenues radiated innocence; dramatic actresses suffered beautifully. None of these slots accommodated a woman whose deepest gift was physical comedy — pratfalls, mugging, the rubbery expressiveness of a face that could register six emotions in two seconds. In the silent era, Buster Keaton and Harold Lloyd had built careers on exactly this kind of kinetic genius. But the studios couldn't see it in a woman. Or rather, they could see it but couldn't categorize it, which in Hollywood amounted to the same thing.
Buster Keaton saw it. By the 1940s, Keaton — the "Great Stone Face" of silent comedy, a man who had once been one of the most famous performers on earth and had since faded into semi-obscurity, working as a gag writer at various studios — recognized in Ball a physical intelligence that matched his own. He and a director named Ed Sedgwick brought her into their comedy unit at Columbia Pictures, where they put her through routines that let her do what no previous director had: get caught in mudslides, hang from clotheslines, jackhammer foundations. The films didn't set the country on fire. They didn't need to. They showed Ball what she could do with her body, and they showed her that someone — the right someone — could see it.
I am not funny. My writers were funny. My directors were funny. The situations were funny. What I am is brave. I have never been scared.
— Lucille Ball
The self-assessment was characteristically both accurate and misleading. She was brave — audaciously, stubbornly, almost pathologically willing to look foolish. But the claim that she wasn't funny was a misdirection, the modesty of someone who understood that her comedy was not the kind audiences associated with comedians. She didn't tell jokes. She didn't do impressions. She created a physical vocabulary of aspiration and failure — the straining neck, the widening eyes, the whole-body commitment to an enterprise that was obviously, hilariously doomed — and she performed it with the technical precision of a ballet dancer. She believed it all the way through. That was the trick.
The Cuban and the Showgirl
In June 1940, on the RKO lot where Lucille Ball had been laboring in the minor leagues for seven years, a twenty-three-year-old Cuban bandleader walked into the commissary and encountered a woman who looked, as he later recalled with characteristic bluntness, "like a two-dollar whore who had been badly beaten by her pimp." She had a black eye, her hair was hanging in her face, and her skin-tight dress was coming apart at the seams. The woman was Lucille Ball, fresh from filming a fight scene with Maureen O'Hara for Dance, Girl, Dance. A director told the young man that this same woman was slated to play an innocent college girl in his debut film, Too Many Girls. "I think you've blown your top," Desi Arnaz replied. "There's no way they can change that tough broad back into anything resembling an ingenue."
Desiderio Alberto Arnaz y de Acha III had arrived in America by a more dramatic route than most. Born into privilege in Santiago, Cuba — his family owned three ranches, a house on the beach, and a palatial home in town — he had been a blue-blooded heir to one of the island's prominent families until the Batista revolution of 1933 forced them to flee. The family lost everything. Desi arrived in Miami as a teenage refugee, scrubbed floors, and taught himself to play music with enough charisma to eventually set New York nightclubs on fire. He is credited with introducing the conga dance to American popular culture. He was handsome, volatile, and six years younger than Ball. They were, by all available evidence, immediately and irrevocably attracted to each other.
That afternoon, Ball cleaned up and went to the soundstage where Arnaz and the Too Many Girls cast were rehearsing. He asked if she knew how to rumba. "No, but I bet that you do," she replied. He demonstrated, finishing with a flourish that landed him face-to-face with her, pinning her against a piano. "You're going to have to rumba in this picture," he said. "I can teach you quickly, but only on condition that you go out with me tonight."
On November 30, 1940, they eloped in Connecticut, making it back to New York in time for Arnaz's second show at the Roxy, where he introduced her to the audience. "Eloping with Desi was the most daring thing I ever did in my life," Ball later said. "I never fell in love with anyone quite so fast. He was very handsome and romantic. But he also frightened me, he was so wild. I knew I shouldn't have married him, but that was one of the biggest attractions."
For the next ten years they conducted largely separate careers — he touring with his band, she grinding through B-movies — and a marriage that was, by most accounts, tempestuous, passionate, and increasingly strained by distance, alcohol, and infidelity. In 1944, Ball filed for divorce, then moved back in with Arnaz before the decree became final. They resumed the marriage. It was a pattern — the schemer concocting another plan to hold things together, the plan failing, forgiveness arriving anyway — that would become the central dramatic engine of the most-watched television show in history. The art was always closer to the life than anyone fully acknowledged.
The Frequency Only a Live Audience Could Tune
The pivot that transformed Lucille Ball from a journeyman film actress into the most famous woman in America began not on television but on radio, and it began with a discovery about herself that reframed everything she thought she knew about her own talent.
In 1948, CBS cast her in My Favorite Husband, a radio sitcom about a well-off banker's eccentric wife. The show was recorded before a live audience, and Ball found that something happened in that room — some current passed between her and the people watching — that had never happened on a film set. Alone in front of a camera, she could seem wooden, constrained. With a crowd laughing and gasping, she became incandescent. The audience's energy didn't just encourage her; it calibrated her. She could feel the timing, ride the wave of a laugh, stretch a pause until it quivered with anticipation and then snap it shut.
The show's producer, Jess Oppenheimer, and its writers, Madelyn Pugh and Bob Carroll Jr., discovered something else: Ball's comedy worked best when the character was middle-class, not aristocratic. Ten episodes into the first season, they rewrote the couple from wealthy socialites to a comfortably ordinary pair who "live together and like it." The democratic downshift was crucial. Ball's gift was not sophistication — it was aspiration. She was funniest when reaching for something just beyond her grasp, when her schemes were born of desire rather than boredom. The character needed to want.
When CBS proposed adapting My Favorite Husband for the new medium of television, Ball agreed — on one condition that the network found unacceptable. She insisted that her real husband play her fictional husband. CBS executives balked. The viewing public, they argued, would never accept the all-American Ball married to a Cuban-born man with a conspicuous accent. (His dressing room on the set of Too Many Girls had featured a sign reading ENGLISH BROKEN HERE.) The resistance was both racial and commercial, and it was intractable.
Ball and Arnaz responded by going on the road. In the summer of 1950, they assembled a touring vaudeville act under the banner of a new production company they called Desilu — the same name they'd already given their five-acre ranch in Chatsworth, an amalgamation of their names that collapsed two identities into one word, one venture, one bet. The tour was a hit. Critics raved about the chemistry, the song-and-dance routines, Ball's physical comedy. Audiences didn't seem to mind the Cuban accent at all. By early 1951, CBS and sponsor Philip Morris had relented. The couple could star together. They could do the show from Los Angeles instead of New York. But there was one more fight to win.
The $1,000-a-Week Bet
The technical obstacles that nearly killed I Love Lucy before it aired are, in retrospect, the seams through which the future of television leaked in. The show needed to be filmed — not broadcast live like most programs — because Ball and Arnaz refused to move to New York, and the kinescope recordings used to accommodate time-zone differences produced an image quality that Arnaz found unacceptable. But union contracts prevented CBS from filming at their own facilities, and shooting on film threatened to double the production budget.
Desi Arnaz, the volatile bandleader whom CBS executives had dismissed as an unsuitable screen husband, proposed a deal that would restructure the economics of an entire industry. He and Ball would each accept a pay cut of $1,000 per week from their combined salary. In exchange, Desilu Productions would retain full ownership of every finished episode.
CBS agreed. The executives, focused on the live broadcast model that dominated early television, saw little value in filmed reruns. They were happy to save on salary costs. They did not understand what they were giving away. Arnaz — the Cuban refugee who had lost everything once and had learned to think in terms of assets that couldn't be seized — understood perfectly. Ownership of the filmed episodes would prove to be one of the most lucrative deals in the history of the entertainment industry. The first I Love Lucy series would syndicate in more than eighty countries, sometimes airing six episodes a day in a single market, generating revenue for decades after the last original episode aired.
Beyond the ownership gambit, Arnaz pushed for a production method that would become the template for virtually all situation comedies that followed: three cameras filming simultaneously before a live studio audience. The innovation solved multiple problems at once — it gave Ball the audience energy she needed, it captured reactions from multiple angles, and it preserved the show on high-quality 35mm film. It was, in effect, the invention of the modern sitcom production model. The format that Seinfeld, Friends, and every multi-camera comedy would inherit was born because a Cuban bandleader understood leverage and a B-movie actress needed a crowd to find her frequency.
And now I want you to meet my favourite wife — my favourite redhead — in fact, that's the only thing red about her, and even that's not legitimate.
— Desi Arnaz, warming up the I Love Lucy studio audience during the Communist scare, 1953
The Everywoman and Her Conveyor Belt
I Love Lucy premiered on CBS on Monday, October 15, 1951, at 9 p.m. Ball was nearly forty years old — a veteran of almost two decades in the supporting ranks of show business. Nothing about her prior career, as Time magazine would later note, hinted that she could be "as deft and daring as Harold Lloyd, as rubber-faced as Bert Lahr, as touching as Chaplin — and more ladylike than Milton Berle."
The show was an instant hit. Within six months, it was the number-one program on television. By April 7, 1952, it became the first program in the history of the medium to reach ten million homes — 63.2 percent of all the television sets in America. With an average of 2.9 viewers per set, that meant more than thirty million people, including seven million children, were watching. For six consecutive seasons, it never ranked lower than third in the ratings. At the height of its popularity, it charted an unprecedented 71.7 rating with a 92 share — numbers that no program has approached since.
The premise was deceptively simple. Lucy Ricardo, a wisecracking housewife on Manhattan's Upper East Side, longed for a career in show business. Her husband Ricky, a Cuban bandleader at the Tropicana nightclub, firmly believed a woman's place was in the home. Despite Lucy's evident lack of talent and Ricky's paternalistic objections, she concocted elaborate and invariably doomed schemes to finagle her way out of the kitchen and into the limelight. The unraveling of these schemes — frequently through physical comedy of escalating absurdity — became the show's engine. The candy factory conveyor belt. The Vitameatavegamin commercial. Lucy stuffing chocolates into her mouth, her hat, her blouse, faster and faster, the machinery of domestic containment overwhelming the woman trying to escape it.
The comedy worked on the surface as slapstick and underneath as something more disquieting. Lucy Ricardo was, as political scientist Leslie Feldman has argued, "a transitional figure — she's on the cutting edge." In 1951, women who had entered the workforce during World War II were being pushed back into suburban domesticity. Lucy's schemes weren't just funny — they were the weekly dramatization of a confinement that millions of women felt but couldn't articulate. Every episode ended with Lucy chastened, back in her place, forgiven by Ricky. But the next week she would scheme again. The desire never extinguished. The conveyor belt never stopped.
The supporting cast — William Frawley as the miserly Fred Mertz and Vivian Vance as his long-suffering wife Ethel — functioned as accomplices and foils, former vaudevillians who could sing, dance, and absorb the collateral damage of Lucy's ambitions. Frawley was a hard-drinking, difficult man whom the studio insured against his own temperament. Vance resented being cast as the frumpy sidekick to Ball's glamour, and the friction between them was real enough that it sharpened every scene they shared. The show's chemistry was partly genuine affection and partly genuine tension, and audiences, who could not have named the difference, responded to both.
The Red That Wasn't Legitimate
The crisis that nearly ended everything arrived in September 1953 — two years into the show's dominance, eight months after the Little Ricky episode had broken all viewership records. The influential columnist Walter Winchell broke the news on his radio broadcast: Lucille Ball had registered to vote as a member of the Communist Party. The evidence was incontrovertible — a 1936 voter registration document, signed by "Lucille D. Ball," declaring Communist as her party affiliation. The document was photographed, archived, eventually preserved in the UCLA Library Special Collections.
Ball was hauled before the House Un-American Activities Committee. She testified that she had registered as a Communist in 1936 solely to please her beloved grandfather, Fred Hunt, and that she had never voted as one, never attended a meeting, never harbored a political thought more radical than wanting to keep her family happy. She was twenty-four at the time of the registration and, by every account, spectacularly apolitical — a woman whose overwhelming ambition was not to overthrow capitalism but to get a better movie contract.
The explanation was accepted, but the danger was real and existential. The Hollywood blacklist had destroyed careers and lives. People had committed suicide over less. The studios and networks could have killed the most profitable show on television to avoid the stain. They chose not to — in part because Ball was too beloved, in part because the show was too profitable, and in part because of what Desi Arnaz did next.
Before Ball walked on set for the next recording of I Love Lucy, Arnaz warmed up the studio audience with the quip that would become one of the most consequential ad-libs in television history. The crowd, primed to be hostile or at best uncertain, roared with laughter and then cheered. The tension broke. The corporate powers behind I Love Lucy declined to kill the goose that laid the golden egg. William S. Paley, the chairman of CBS, stood by his star.
The episode encapsulated something essential about the partnership: Ball provided the talent, the screen presence, the physical genius. Arnaz provided the strategic intelligence, the business instinct, the willingness to think three moves ahead. When the crisis came, it was the Cuban bandleader — the man CBS had initially refused to put on screen — who saved the show, the career, the empire.
The First Lady of the Lot
The divorce, when it came in 1960, was both inevitable and devastating. Twenty years of marriage, two children — Lucie Desiree, born in July 1951, three months before I Love Lucy premiered, and Desi Jr., born in January 1953 on the night forty-four million people watched — and a partnership that had built the most successful television production company in Hollywood. The off-camera marriage had been corroded by Arnaz's drinking, philandering, and what Ball would later describe as "intense workaholism," though the phrase could have applied equally to both of them. "Eloping with Desi was the most daring thing I ever did in my life," she had said. Now the dare was over.
But the business remained. In 1962, Ball bought Arnaz's share of Desilu Productions for $3 million, financed with a bank loan. She became the only woman at that time to lead a major Hollywood production company — the president of a studio that had swallowed RKO, the very lot where she had once been a B-movie contract player. The symmetry was almost too neat: the woman Hollywood had never quite known what to do with now owned the place that had failed to recognize her.
Under her leadership, Desilu became something more than a Lucy vehicle. At its peak, the studio operated three lots with thirty-three sound stages — the largest and most prolific independent production operation in the world. It served as the production hub for The Andy Griffith Show, The Dick Van Dyke Show, and That Girl. It launched The Untouchables and Mission: Impossible. And it is responsible for the existence of Star Trek.
The story of how that happened is a parable about conviction and institutional courage. Gene Roddenberry's original pilot, "The Cage," had been rejected by NBC as "too cerebral, too intellectual, too slow." Desilu's board members objected to the expense of a second pilot — the first had already cost over $600,000, making it one of the most expensive pilots ever filmed. Ball overruled them. She financed a second pilot, "Where No Man Has Gone Before," which became the series premiere of Star Trek: The Original Series. She had learned, from years of watching Arnaz take gambles, that crazy bets sometimes defined entire industries. The franchise she greenlit — multiple television series, thirteen feature films, a cultural institution spanning six decades and counting — exists because a woman who ran a comedy studio looked at a science fiction script and saw potential that the executives around her could not.
Ball sold Desilu to Gulf and Western Industries in 1967 for $17 million. Her personal share was $10 million. She immediately formed a new company, Lucille Ball Productions, and launched her third television series, Here's Lucy (1968–1974). She married Gary Morton, a nightclub comedian, in 1961, and the two ran the new company together. She was fifty-six years old. She would remain on prime-time television, in one form or another, for another seven years.
My ability comes from fairness and a knowledge of people. I ran my studio like I run my home, with understanding of people. We touch in our house. I tell my children, "There's so little time."
— Lucille Ball, on running Desilu Productions
The Character Who Couldn't Stop
The Lucy persona — the capital-L character who transcended any single show — reflected what Time called "the major post-World War II social trends, from the baby boom to the exodus to the suburbs to the democratization of travel." But its foremost concern was always the same: the yearning of one woman to get out. Out of the kitchen, out from beneath the boss's thumb, out of the role that circumstance and convention had assigned her. She endured any indignity in pursuit of her big chance. The greatest indignity, it generally turned out, was the chuckling condescension of her husband.
The character began as a saxophonist who bleated, a chanteuse who croaked, a hoofer who fell down. She tried everything, failed at everything, and never stopped trying. The arc of a typical episode — scheme, escalation, catastrophe, forgiveness — was also the arc of Ball's own career before television: attempt, rejection, persistence, eventual transcendence. Even in the final season, when the Lucy character met her look-alike, "the actress Lucille Ball," the script concluded that the "real" Lucy was the star-struck onlooker, not the star. The character could never be permitted to succeed, because success would end the comedy. The engine was desire, not fulfillment.
Looking back from a modern perspective, as Time noted, "some observers have suggested that Lucy was virtually an abused wife." The chuckling condescension, the firm belief that a woman's place is in the home, the pattern of punishment and forgiveness — it reads differently in the twenty-first century. Ball herself may have come to see it that way. "She was very complicated," said Lee Tannen, the author and playwright who was her close friend for the last decade of her life. "She was very loving and she was very mercurial. She was very generous but she came from the Depression and she was very guarded about money. She was a conundrum. She was a paradox of things."
Ball kept working. The Lucy Show ran from 1962 to 1968. Here's Lucy from 1968 to 1974. She directed episodes of the latter — another first, another barrier treated not as a statement but as a practical necessity. In 1985, at seventy-four, she played a Manhattan bag lady in the television film Stone Pillow. In 1986, she launched Life with Lucy, her fourth and final series. It lasted two months. She received the Kennedy Center Honors that same year. She was inducted into the Television Academy Hall of Fame in 1984. She won Emmys in 1953, 1956, 1967, and 1968. She received the Cecil B. DeMille Award in 1979 and the Governors Award of the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences posthumously in 1989.
The Last Public Appearance
On March 29, 1989, Lucille Ball walked onto the stage of the Academy Awards ceremony alongside Bob Hope to introduce a production number. She was seventy-seven years old. The audience gave her a standing ovation. She looked frail but present — the elastic face still capable of that peculiar alertness, the husky voice still carrying.
Twenty-eight days later, on April 26, 1989, she died at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center in Los Angeles. She had undergone a seven-hour surgery on April 18 to replace part of her aorta and aortic valve. She had been recovering — eating, walking around her hospital room — when a rupture occurred in a portion of the aorta far from the surgical site. Complete heart failure at 5 a.m. Forty-seven minutes of resuscitation proved fruitless. "There was nothing to indicate this would happen," the hospital spokesman said. "The heart itself apparently was not involved in Miss Ball's sudden death."
Fans had flooded the hospital with thousands of get-well cards, sent via telegram and fax machine. Hospital officials said it was the largest outpouring they had ever seen.
"I have to work or I'm nothing," she had once said. And: "I believe it all the way. I do what I do with all my strength and heart." And: "There's so little time."
Decades later, her children discovered in a dusty box, postmarked 1966, a never-before-published autobiographical manuscript. Lucy had written it in the mid-1960s — her entire life up to 1964, in the first person. She had told no one. Her daughter Lucie read it and cried. Her son Desi read it and was overcome. "There's a wonderful energy that comes through," he said. "A fire in her belly. As a young kid, a sense of adventure. Like, I want to make some noise."
The manuscript was published as
Love, Lucy. It revealed, among other things, that Lucille Ball had spent her life trying to understand what her life was about — not dramatizing it, not performing it for applause, but genuinely trying to make sense of the distance between a little girl in Jamestown watching a bird fly through a window and a woman who had become the most watched human being on the planet. She had hidden the manuscript the way she had hidden everything real: behind the performance, behind the character, behind the scheme. It sat in an attorney's files for three decades, waiting to be found — a letter from a woman who had communicated with millions, addressed to no one in particular, saying
Lucy.